Category: Politics

Source: Radio New Zealand

Analysis: New Zealand politics has long acknowledged a truth of coalition life – sooner or later, everyone swallows a dead rat. Less examined is the art of spitting one back up.

This term has already delivered its fair share of deceased squeakers. National had to stomach the Treaty principles debate. ACT swallowed some corporate subsidies. And now NZ First has gagged its way through the Regulatory Standards Bill.

Expired vermin are a built-in feature of MMP, as every party makes compromises for the greater governing good.

In 2018, the Green Party found itself voting for the waka-jumping bill despite years of opposition because of an agreement secured by NZ First during coalition negotiations with Labour.

(Ironically, the Greens later used the law to eject one of their own, but that is beside the current point.)

As the 2020 election grew closer, then-co-leader James Shaw sensed an opportunity. He pledged a new intention to repeal the law and then teamed up with National in an unsuccessful attempt to do just that. NZ First leader Winston Peters was furious, labelling the Greens “unstable and untrustworthy”.

In response, Shaw said his party had kept its word by voting for the legislation, but had never promised not to later revoke it if the opportunity arose.

Asked whether he was playing political games, Shaw grinned: “I learn from the master.”

Five years on, the master is performing his own version of rodent regurgitation.

Peters initiated the disgorgement on Thursday, suddenly announcing NZ First would campaign next year on repealing the Regulatory Standards Act – the very law the party had voted for just a week earlier.

The position was not entirely a surprise. NZ First had not been quiet about its disquiet over ACT’s flagship bill, believing it to be anti-democratic.

And the bill’s critics were aware of the dynamic too. Greenpeace last week issued a statement headlined: “Winston Peters and NZ First hand victory to ACT over corporate Bill of Rights.”

Still, the speed of the turnaround was stunning.

Just days earlier, NZ First’s Casey Costello had stood in the chamber to deliver the party’s votes, declaring “no hesitation” in supporting the bill.

With hindsight, she should’ve perhaps demonstrated a hint of hesitation.

“No hay problema,” Peters told reporters on Thursday. “We’ll fix it.”

But ACT’s leader David Seymour certainly regarded it as quite the problema. Speaking to media shortly after the news broke, Seymour fired back, reviving memories of the old acrimony between the two.

It was not quite the venom of name-calling past – not crook, nor cuckold – but it does not get much more serious than an allegation of coalition disloyalty, or at least future disloyalty.

“It sounds like he’s getting ready to go with Labour again,” Seymour said. “He seems to be lining up for a different kind of coalition.”

The sharp rebuke should be seen in light of recent polling. In recent months, NZ First has surged past ACT in popularity, each trending in opposite directions.

Both parties are hunting a similar pool of voters: those frustrated with the status quo but not prepared to entertain the left.

It does Seymour no harm to remind those voters that Peters has gone with Labour before, and could do so again. Just the seed of doubt could be enough to win some over to the ACT camp.

The prospect is not entirely outlandish either.

Yes, Peters has said he will not work with Labour under its leader Chris Hipkins. Asked about the prospect on Thursday, Peters chuckled: “Don’t make me laugh.”

Likewise, Hipkins has said such an arrangement would be “very unlikely”.

But the polls are tight, and if voters deliver a hung Parliament on election night, be sure all sorts of conversations will be happening between all sorts of parties.

Reinforced narrative

For National, the coalition contretemps are a more serious problema. They reinforce the narrative that Prime Minister Christopher Luxon lacks firm control over his warring offsiders.

As well, it undercuts National’s arguments that a Labour-Green-Te Pāti Māori arrangement would be chaotic, when its own side is hardly serene.

Visiting New Plymouth on Thursday, Luxon waved away RNZ’s questions about the infighting, suggesting it was simply normal pre-election positioning. The coalition was “absolutely not” falling apart, he said.

But the increasing feuding does put National in an awkward spot.

On Thursday, campaign chair Chris Bishop refused to say whether National would or would not repeal the Regulatory Standards Act in future, a bizarre spectacle given it had just voted it into law.

“Peters has set out his stall,” Bishop said. “We will set out our stall in due course.”

This is not what National wants to be talking about right now. Like the rest of us, its MPs saw the latest IPSOS survey.

They need to be talking about the economy, the cost of living and health if they are to win back the public’s trust. Coalition squabbles only muddy the message.

None of it bodes well for an easy final year of governing. Both Peters and Seymour need to take care. They can exchange a few blows here and there, but neither can afford to burn the relationship.

All signs are that all three coalition parties will need each other again if they are to hold on to power next year.

And no dead rat is as hard to swallow as a return to the opposition benches.

Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

The coalition says its tough on crime approach is working as a new survey reports 38,000 fewer victims of serious violent crime.

The figure is close to double the government’s target of 20,000 fewer victims of assault, robbery or sexual assault each year by 2029.

The Justice Ministry’s latest Crime and Victims Survey has reported 147,000 victims of serious crime in the 12 months to August.

That’s 38,000 fewer than the last year, and 9000 fewer than the last update in May.

The government banned gang patches in public places and gave police more powers to disrupt gatherings this time last year.

Justice Minster Paul Goldsmith said decreasing victim numbers showed the coalition’s tough approach to law and order was working.

“That’s 38,000 families and individuals that don’t have to go through the trauma and horror of violent crime, so it’s good,” Goldsmith said.

“We’ve made good progress but obviously there’s still a long way to go.”

Quick statistics since the Gangs Act (2024) came into effect:

• 182 patches seized
• 643 insignia items seized
• 178 firearms seized
• 856 charges for Prohibited Display of Gang Insignia in Public Place
• 255 finalised charges, 188 convictions.

Police Minister Mark Mitchell said he made no apologies for getting tough on law and order.

“One year ago, gangs were confronted with a new harsh reality – one where they can no longer behave as if they’re above the law by taking over our streets, intimidating the public, and making a mockery of our criminal justice system,” he said.

“This is tough legislation. That is the point. Gang members make up less than one quarter of one percent of the New Zealand adult population, yet are linked to about 18 per cent of serious violent crime.”

“The few examples where patches have been returned to gang members is not at all representative of just how successful these laws have been. The numbers speak for themselves.”

Goldsmith said the changes to gang laws were part of a broader crime strategy.

“The most important thing about the gang patch ban is that it has greatly reduced the intimidation and presence of gang members in public.

“There was a sense of them taking over some parts of the country, some small towns, and a sense of their presence was concerning to many New Zealanders.

“So, that’s helped on that front but the gang patch is one part of many different tools we’ve given the police to deal with gangs, which is also one part of a broader strategy, which is about restoring consequences for crime and holding people to account.”

He said victim numbers were still too high for his liking.

“I’m extremely mindful that we still have far too many New Zealanders being a victim of crime so we want to keep going much further and keep driving that level of crime down so that New Zealanders feel safe in their communities.”

Asked if it was time to set a new target, Goldsmith said it might be something he considered in the New Year.

Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

Te Pāti Māori’s youngest MP has broken her silence, following the expulsion of her former colleagues, saying it has felt like “a divorce between two parents.”

“My answer to both sides face to face has been that you are all in the wrong.”

Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke says she’s “watched, listened and observed” over the past six months, since Takutai Tarsh Kemp’s passing, and observed the “division” of Te Pāti Māori.

“I’ve heard both sides – trust me, I’ve heard it all,” she said, “sometimes I’ve wanted to give them all a hug and a hiding at the same time – all sides.”

Te Pāti Māori has been in a period of turmoil culminating in the expulsion of MPs Mariameno Kapa-Kingi and Tākuta Ferris.

The remaining MPs – Oriini Kaipara and Maipi-Clarke – had stayed silent, until Maipi-Clarke made her remarks at Parliament on Thursday.

Kaipara was yet to speak publicly, but attended a meeting with the ousted MPs last week.

Maipi-Clarke spoke on Thursday, firstly acknowledging the passing of Kemp and what followed.

She said she’d heard from “both sides” in the party’s split, and understanding both sides were “valid.” She wanted to bring the party together and figure out how she could be on both sides “without splitting.”

She said she wanted to take accountability, but acknowledged she didn’t have all the answers.

She said she wasn’t disrespecting any individuals, whānau or iwi, but it was “about having an honest conversation when we’re at fault, and so far, no one has taken ownership for the situation.”

The reality of the situation was that it was “a divide and conquer tactic, and there are no winners.”

She also acknowledged many significant movements, like the Kiingitanga for example, hadn’t come about without “challenges and differences.”

She referenced the Toitū te Tiriti hīkoi arriving at parliament in the tens of thousands, saying the next phase of that was “how can we work together, knowing that we all have unique differences, and actually accepting and embracing.”

She said both sides needed to be left to sort themselves out, and what was needed now was accepting, shifting and adapting to “new systems that can work with us and accept each other in differences, but the same purpose.”

“In a perfect world” she said she’d like to see Kapa-Kingi and Ferris returned to the party, but she also maintained confidence in Te Pāti Māori’s leadership.

Maipi-Clarke said Christmas was coming, a “real tough time” where people are thinking about grocery prices and gas prices and “this is definitely not what we need.”

She said she had “work to do” here at Parliament, “there’s collaborations with foundation for kids in need, for Christmas, bills that protect Tiriti o Waitangi that need to be signed, letters to select committees that need to be written.”

She said she would be meeting with her electorate in two weeks time, who will “determine” her future in politics, “whether I’m still the right voice and whether this is still the right waka and movement.”

“In a place of power, the greatest move you can do is give it to your people to decide and direct the next course we take.”

Te Pāti Māori’s AGM will also be taking place early next month in Rotorua.

Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

New Zealand First leader Winston Peters has vowed to repeal the Regulatory Standards Bill (RSB) if re-elected next year.

It’s prompted the bill’s key proponent, ACT leader David Seymour, to warn Peters could be jumping ship to Labour.

Peters told Radio Waatea’s Dale Husband he wanted the bill gone earlier on Thursday, having voted it through its third reading this time last week.

“It was their deal, the ACT Party’s deal with the National Party. We were opposed to this from the word go but you’ve only got so many cards you can play.

“We did our best to neutralise its adverse effects and we will campaign at the next election to repeal it.”

The Bill is the brainchild of ACT Party leader and Minister for Regulation David Seymour, who says it will “help New Zealand get its mojo back”.

It seeks to limit future lawmakers from introducing what Seymour considers unnecessary red tape into legislation, prioritising private property rights.

As part of this, it proposes establishing a Regulatory Standards Board, which would assess whether proposed laws align with several principles outlined in the Bill.

The Bill has faced fierce pushback from the public, with more than 98 percent of public submissions opposed.

Its critics say the principles are ideological, could favour big corporations, and would add delays and cost to lawmaking.

Speaking at Parliament on Thursday afternoon, Peters said he had done his best to “fix” the bill up.

“That sort of intervention in the democratic process is not fit for a modern democracy.

“It was in the coalition agreement but we will campaign against it in 2026.”

‘Sounds like he’s getting ready to go with Labour again’ – Seymour

Seymour said it was a “pretty worrying” development.

“That’s Labour’s position. It sounds like he’s getting ready to go with Labour again.

“This is a landmark piece of legislation that ACT would never vote to get rid of so if he wants to do that, he’s got to go with Labour.

“What’s more, for the best interests of New Zealand, we need to get on top of red tape and regulation. It’s making us poorer. It’s ruining lives. It’s ruining our country and the Regulatory Standards Act is there to do exactly that; cut the red tape long term.”

Asked if he thought Peters was respecting the conventions of Cabinet, Seymour said it was an interesting question.

“Frankly, the government’s position is to have the Regulatory Standards Act and continue to develop it.

“I would have thought of all the things we could be focused on right now for New Zealand, it would be how do we get the cost of living under control, get some economic activity back, rather than speculating about what you might do in another scenario that the voters haven’t even had a say on yet.”

Seymour said the RSB was non-negotiable for his party.

“We’ve worked on this for 20 years because red tape is strangling our country, and the regulatory standards act is the way to deal with it.”

Asked if he was gearing up to work with Labour next year, Peters laughed.

“Don’t make me laugh,” he said.

Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

A government bill will stop schools opting out of international maths and reading tests and speed up intervention in failing schools.

It will also give a new property agency the power to force schools to spend money on building works.

The Education and Training (System Reform) Bill was introduced to Parliament this week.

Education Minister Erica Stanford said the bill would ensure the education system supported the government’s priorities.

She said a key aspect was raising the quality of initial teacher education.

That part of the bill would enable changes to the Teaching Council announced earlier in the month.

They included shifting the council’s responsibility for teacher education and teachers’ professional standards to the Education Ministry, and changing the make-up of its governing body to include only three representatives elected by teachers and four to six ministerial appointees.

The bill would require the Education Review Office to notify the ministry and minister within two working days if it decided a school “may be of serious concern”, followed within 28 working days by a report and recommended statutory interventions.

It would establish a new Crown agency, the New Zealand School Property Agency, to manage school property.

The agency’s powers would include recovering costs for maintenance and repairs and requiring boards to take action.

The bill would require the Education Ministry to review curriculum areas on a rolling basis and allow different curriculum statements to be made for different groups of schools.

It would remove the requirement for school boards to consult their communities about the health curriculum – something the Education Review Office recommended last year.

The bill would remove the ability of state, charter and private schools to opt out of studies such as the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment – a change apparently responding to a high refusal rate in the 2022 tests.

The Educational Institute, Te Riu Roa, warned the bill was a bulldozer that significantly increased ministerial control over the school system.

It said the bill would politicise education.

“What we are seeing is what we’ve seen in the curriculum changes – a government hell-bent on making a one-size-fits-all education system and controlling it in its entirety, without thought for the diversity and needs of our tamariki and our communities. We cannot see in any of the proposed changes a world where tamariki, kaiako or their whānau will be better off,” it said.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

Pike River families say their meeting with the Workplace Safety Minister was “a complete waste of time”.

Anna Osborne and Sonya Rockhouse sat down with Workplace Safety Minister Brooke van Velden at Parliament on the 15th anniversary of the Pike River disaster.

“I don’t know, I’ve come out of there still feeling really unhappy because there’s just no guarantees that people who go to work are going to return home safely,” Obsorne said.

“She seemed to be focusing all the time on the employers and I sat and listened to it for a little while and then I just couldn’t stand it,” Rockhouse said.

Both women went into the meeting wanting to share their concerns that the minister’s workplace reforms were weakening safety laws and risking another disaster.

Rockhouse said she doesn’t feel reassured.

“She gave a slip service, she listened, but didn’t really say anything. You know, that sort of thing when somebody’s talking but they’re not really saying much? That’s how it felt,” she said.

“I walked out of there thinking man that was just a complete waste of time.”

The pair support the introduction of a corporate manslaughter charge and said they had found support for the idea with opposition parties and New Zealand First.

“In New Zealand, it’s real easy to pass the buck. It’s not not one person’s fault, it’s another’s, you know,” Osborne said.

“So, we just need somebody with some balls who’s prepared to really put their heart and soul into getting this health and safety legislation and the reforms working properly for all New Zealanders,”

New Zealand First leader Winston Peters on Wednesday described the Pike River mine as “a murder scene” and hinted at his dissatisfaction with relevant workplace safety settings.

He met with Osborne and Rockhouse and promised to advocate for progress on what he described as “the most unsatisfactory circumstance”.

“[The meeting went] very, very well. We laid out a plan of action and work for us to do privately, myself and my team,” Peters said.

“We were the ones that demanded an inquiry, the only party that did at the time. We think we were dramatically let down by the way the inquiry was run and we don’t give up on this. We think this is a murder scene.”

Peters would not disclose any details of his plan but his office later confirmed he was working with Pike River families on the idea of introducing a corporate manslaughter charge.

Asked if he was happy with the current workplace safety settings, he said no.

“Not on this matter, most definitely not. And I intend to make that known.”

Van Velden has been overhauling workplace safety with a mind to shift WorkSafe’s focus from enforcement, to advice and guidance.

She said there were too many people dying at work and helping businesses follow the law – as well as backing a record number of workplace inspectors – was the best way to tackle this.

She didn’t accept Osborne and Rockhouse’s concerns history may repeat itself, despite having no evidence her approach will result in fewer workplace deaths.

“You can’t really point to any particular one industry or group or bit of evidence to say this is what would end up happening in the future.

“What we have as a health and safety system, is a lot of individuals getting up every day, providing jobs and doing a lot of actions on the ground.

“There are accidents that will happen. What I’m wanting to focus on is, how do I improve the overall economy and the situation that businesses and workers find themselves in?”

Van Velden said she did not support introducing a corporate manslaughter charge, instead preferring to focus on “upfront guidance” for businesses.

“I’m asking all businesses, workers and the regulator to focus on critical risk, which is actions that could lead to death and serious injury and illness, and to stamp those out and focus our efforts there, rather than sweating a lot of small stuff.

“We know there are a lot of companies out there really fearful of what it means to comply with the law but they’re ticking boxes and I’d like people across the country to focus on action on the ground to reduce deaths on the ground.”

Justice Minster Paul Goldsmith said there were no current plans to introduce a corporate manslaughter charge as the government had a very busy legislative agenda in the justice space.

Labour, the Greens and Te Pāti Māori all support a corporate manslaughter charge.

Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

The government is celebrating the end of emergency housing motels in Rotorua – but Labour says it has just shifted the problem elsewhere.

Rotorua became the country’s epicentre for emergency housing.

At its peak, there were more than 240 households across 13 motels. Now there are zero families in motels.

Associate Housing Minister Tama Potaka, who holds responsibility for the emergency housing portfolio, said Rotorua had become the “poster child” of a broken housing system, and its end reflected “deliberate, coordinated action”.

In 2023, National campaigned on ending emergency housing in Rotorua motels within two years.

“Rotorua whānau, businesses and mana whenua had been pleading for change for years. We listened and acted. We have restored safety, dignity and confidence to a city that was forced to absorb the consequences of a failed housing model,” Potaka said.

Referrals into emergency housing motels ended on 15 June with agencies working “intensively” to secure permanent placements.

The Ministry for Social Development and the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development had worked with Visions of a Helping Hand, WERA Aotearoa Charitable Trust, Emerge Aotearoa, Ngāti Whakaue, Te Arawa, Restore Rotorua and the Rotorua Lakes Council to move every household into “stable, secure homes”.

Through partnership with Ngāti Whakaue, 240 affordable rental housing units were being built at Manawa Gardens.

The remaining motels were now preparing to return to commercial operations, Potaka said.

“Rotorua is finally back on the front foot, it is safer, stronger, and open for growth. Our government will keep backing Rotorua to reclaim its reputation, grow its tourism economy, strengthen its housing supply, and unlock new opportunities for the city,” Potaka said.

But Labour’s housing spokesperson Kieran McAnulty said the announcement was “tone deaf” and he did not know who Potaka was “trying to kid” by celebrating.

“No one is pretending that emergency housing was the solution to the housing crisis, but it’s a hell of a lot better than people sleeping on the streets. And all the minister is doing today is celebrating shifting people out of emergency housing to in front of families’ homes and businesses. That’s it, and it’s not much of a thing to celebrate.”

McAnulty said he had recently visited Rotorua and counted eight homeless people in one block of the town centre.

In January, Potaka announced the government had met its target to reduce the overall number of households in emergency housing by 75 percent five years early.

The Ministry of Social Development had also tightened the gateway for those trying to access emergency housing.

McAnulty said the government was focusing on people that had left emergency housing but did not want to talk about the people that could not get in.

“Emergency housing was only ever intended to temporarily house people while social houses were being built. But let’s look at what the government are doing. Kāinga Ora are no longer expanding their numbers. The funding that’s gone to community housing providers is a fraction of what they were getting under the Labour government, and people can’t get into emergency housing, and now they’ve closed them all together,” he said.

“It’s no surprise that homelessness is now what frontline providers are saying the worst in living memory.”

Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

New Zealand should be a rich country, but instead inequality is growing and the middle class are on the way out, British YouTuber, economist and trader Gary Stevenson says.

He told 30 with Guyon Espiner the divide between the middle class and the rich had been growing since 2011.

“I started to look at the financial situation of my friends and their families, and what I saw in 2011, was my parents’ generation, you know, ordinary people, not with exceptional jobs or degrees, owning property, buying houses,” Stevenson says.

“And then what I saw in my generation was kids with a degree, advanced education, who would never be able to own property. So what you’re seeing there is… families going from being property-owning families to non-property-owning families.”

Stevenson was a working-class kid from East London who used his smarts to win a trading game competition and score himself an internship with a leading bank. He went on to become one of the biggest traders in the world.

Now with 1.5 million subscribers on YouTube, Stevenson talks all things economics and told Guyon Espiner that New Zealand should be rich, in theory.

“You know, really, by rights, New Zealand should be a rich country, because there’s not a lot of people there, there’s a phenomenal amount of natural wealth per person, it can sustain a good quality of life for every single person in the country.

“The problem you have is, once you start cutting those taxes on the richest, the rich very, very quickly start to increase their share of the wealth, and inevitably that starts to squeeze people out.”

Stevenson said the country would see “really rapid increases in poverty” if it did not tax the rich.

“I think if you don’t do anything, if you leave the system as it is, then wealth inequality will increase very rapidly.

“What that means is the rich get richer and richer, and everybody else loses their assets. What that means is ordinary families can’t afford to buy homes, ordinary families need to take enormous amounts of debt. It means the, the bankrupting of governments, which means the shutting down of welfare states.

“I’m here to speak to the New Zealand public and tell them the fire engines are not coming.”

He doubled down and said that if New Zealand wanted to “fix the economy”, the public needed to “demand action” from politicians and themselves.

“They don’t realise that if you don’t tax the rich, the rich will squeeze you out.

“If you accept a situation where the rich grow their share every year, then, of course, your share and your family’s share will eventually be squeezed to nothing,” he said.

When asked whether there needed to be some degree of international co-ordination, Stevenson said it would help massively.

“So I’ve got to be honest, I think this will be much, much, much easier if we work together.

“These problems, which you have [in New Zealand], unaffordable housing, not enough good jobs, not enough government services, we’re seeing them here, we’re seeing them everywhere. Let’s work together and fix this together.”

Stevenson is visiting Auckland in March next year with The People’s Economist tour.

Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

The Education Minister is promising regulatory change to address social media harm, as a petition calling for a minimum age of 16 for social media access is handed over at Parliament.

National has been keen to implement a ban, but was unable to get the support of ACT to make it a government bill.

Instead, MP Catherine Wedd has introduced it as a member’s bill, while Erica Stanford works on a wider series of regulations.

The B416 group, which has been advocating for a ban, presented the petition, which contained around 45,000 signatures, to Wedd and Stanford.

B416’s chief executive Nicole Green said parents, teachers and clinicians were all grappling with the harm.

“New Zealand does lag behind in legislation in this area, so we have a lot of work to do,” she said.

Olivia Lakeman, 18, who handed over the petition, said she was 14 when she first started seeing eating disorder and self-harm content online.

“Now that I’m aware of it, I can kind of work around the algorithms. But when you’re 14, and that’s what all your friends are watching, it’s kind of difficult to get out of it yourself.”

Lakeman said there would likely be ways to get around the ban, but it was still worth pursuing.

“Having that restriction means that even if it helps just a small group of people stay safe from that harm, that change is so important.”

Accepting the petition, Stanford said she likened the social media problem to cars.

“We had cars that were not powerful, that were slow, that drove on the roads. But the more powerful, the faster and the more dangerous they got, the more safety measures we added in,” she said.

“We now have in the hands of our children a device that is more powerful than we have ever known, and there are no protections.”

Wedd said she felt emotional as she addressed the petition’s handover, saying it was a “powerful message” to protect children.

“This is a really important move. We’re seeing governments from around the world moving and I’m really proud that our government is taking a lead.”

Wedd’s bill was drawn from the biscuit tin ballot in October, but with ACT unlikely to support it, the bill would require support from the opposition to go through the legislative process.

Labour leader Chris Hipkins said his party would support the bill at its first reading.

“We think there’s a lot more work to do to get the details of this right, we have offered to work with the government on that,” he said.

“We do want to see a solution here. I think we can all see that there’s a problem.”

ACT instead requested an inquiry into digital harm, which was recently heard by Parliament’s Education and Workforce Committee.

Leader David Seymour said he hoped the select committee’s findings would inform any future work, as well as any lessons learned from Australia’s upcoming ban.

“The problem is massive, parents are hugely concerned about young people on social media, predatory behaviour, inappropriate content, addiction to doomscrolling, these are massive problems but a ban is too simple as a remedy for that.”

Green acknowledged there were people opposed to a ban, and that there would likely be bumps along the road if and when it was implemented.

“It will be a bit of a long road to get it right, but I don’t think that should stop people from trying. I think our kids are worth too much to say, ‘do you know what? This is too hard, let’s not even try at all’.”

Stanford has also been tasked with exploring options for legislation and implementation of possible restrictions, and expected to announce in the “near future” exactly what that bill would look like.

“We’re looking at a really clever, world-leading approach at how we protect our kids. And we are going to need a regulator. We are going to need a Child Protection Act. And we are going to need some form of a ban,” she said.

“Social media companies love bans, because they know that kids will get around the bans and continue using it anyway, and they don’t have to change their behaviour. What we’re working on is how do we make social media companies change their behaviours?”

According to a RNZ-Reid Research poll from June, 57.8 percent of New Zealanders support a ban.

Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has declared the soaring prison population to be a “good thing”, characterising it as the price of restoring law and order

He also conceded the government was running behind on its promise to boost police numbers by 500, despite previously insisting the target would be met by next week.

Facing reporters at Parliament on Tuesday, Luxon was questioned about the prison muster, which has surged to record highs and is now nearing 11,000 inmates.

“Absolutely, that’s a good thing,” he said. “Yep, good thing.”

Luxon said the coalition would not ease up on criminals or adjust policy simply because the costs were rising.

“I understand… the financial implication of… restoring law and order in New Zealand, but we make no apologies about that,” he said.

“The cost will be what the cost will be.”

Luxon said he took a “different approach” from the former Labour government which set a target of reducing prisoner numbers by 30 percent.

“Yes, we have a high prison population. Yes, we’re investing in more prisons and more prison capacity. And it’s pretty simple, we do not want people in the community [committing crimes].”

Labour leader Chris Hipkins told reporters the ballooning muster should be “an area of concern” for all New Zealanders.

“Previous National governments have admitted that locking people up doesn’t reduce crime. [Former prime minister] Bill English called it a moral and fiscal failure.

“We need to be focused on how we reduce crime, not locking more people up for it.”

Finance Minister Nicola Willis said she was confident the government could manage the cost pressure.

“Our government campaigned on keeping New Zealanders safer, and that means locking up dangerous criminals,” she said.

“We are doing that, and that is an appropriate price to pay for New Zealanders’ safety.”

Where are the 500 new cops? “We’re not going to rush it”

Luxon maintained the government was still committed to its “stretch goal” of 500 extra police, but played down expectations of when it would happen.

“It’s taking longer than we had hoped for,” he said. “It’ll be what it will be.”

That’s a far cry from his confidence one year ago when Luxon repeatedly insisted the target would be hit within two years of taking office.

“We’re going to do it,” he told RNZ at the time. “Judge me by the results when we get there.”

Under the National-NZ First coalition agreement, constable numbers were meant to reach 10,711 by 27 November 2025.

RNZ has asked the police for the latest count.

In early December 2024, police bosses told MPs meeting that goal on time would be “very, very challenging” and a mid-2026 deadline would be “more accurate”.

In May, Police Minister Mark Mitchell said he would not get “hung up on a date”.

And on Tuesday, Mitchell again downplayed the timing.

He said he “was not going to be held to a time”, stressing standards were more important than speed.

“We’re not going to rush it. We’re going to take our time, and we’re going to have a full focus on standards,” Mitchell said.

“We have committed 500. We have funded 500. We’ll deliver 500.”

NZ First leader Winston Peters also shrugged off the deadline: “It’ll take a bit longer, but we’ll get there.

“Maybe… two or three months too late, but that won’t matter.”

Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand