Category: Politics

Source: Radio New Zealand

Te Pāti Māori co-leaders say they were “blindsided” at the way things “spiralled out of control” this year.

Both Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi know next year be “tough”, but insist “there is no left bloc without Te Pāti Māori”.

Te Pāti Māori was riding high at the end of 2024, following a historical hīkoi to Parliament grounds.

As the party leaders sat down for an interview with RNZ at the end of 2025, they were in a markedly different position, following months of turmoil.

Ousted MP Mariameno Kapa-Kingi – who is temporarily reinstated to the party following months of turmoil that led to her expulsion – told RNZ she was feeling “upbeat” heading into 2026, despite all the “yucky stuff” this year.

Takutai Tash Kemp

The party was rocked when the former Tāmaki Makaurau MP died suddenly in June after battling kidney disease.

Ngarewa-Packer said watching Kemp fight so hard to be an MP, to advocate for her people and be an “influence for her electorate”, while becoming sicker, then to “lose her so suddenly” was the “most devastating thing”.

They tried incredibly hard from the sidelines to support her, she said.

Waititi said she became “gravely ill” and he regretted not having “stronger” conversations with her about “just letting this mahi go”.

“She fought to be in this house, she fought to stay here, even with that, and she wasn’t going to let that sickness define her.

“I think, if any time we can see people really struggling, we should have those conversations and make sure that this isn’t the last stop for many of our people.”

He acknowledged the “fight for our people” was on one level at Parliament, but fighting to be with your “babies and your mokopuna” was just as important, if not more so.

Ngarewa-Packer said she probably wouldn’t grieve properly, until she returned home and could let her breath out.

Waititi reflected on comments he’d made at his aunty Dame June Mariu’s tangi, where he acknowledged that her children had to share their mother with the rest of the country and when the country gave her back, “she was broken”.

He said everybody benefitted from the work people did, but often it was the families who had to “pick up the pieces”.

“Society expects Māori to work harder.”

Ngarewa-Packer said the cost of leadership in te ao Māori was “extremely high”.

“You are expected to grind your way through pain, hold on to your emotions, work when the seasons are unworkable, all these sorts of things, whether it be through grief or fall out.”

There was also the expectation of turning up “on the ground” – just being at Parliament wasn’t enough, she said.

“You don’t get to go away to your holiday house for a treat for a month.”

Tāmaki Makaurau by-election

The party was then thrust into a by-election campaign it went on to win by miles.

In terms of the success, Ngarewa-Packer said the leadership “basically stopped what we were doing” and made it a priority for the electorate to know it wasn’t just getting a candidate, but the “attention, the aroha, the manaaki of the leadership too”.

She pointed out Tāmaki Makaurau was “one of our most established electorates”.

“It’s no disrespect to the candidate, but no matter who the party chose, there was actually quite a large infrastructure around that particular electorate.”

Waititi said “the movement” also played a part, and the victory made it clear Labour no longer had a “hold on those Māori seats”.

The people’s respect for Kemp also helped secure the win, Waititi said, off the back of the “biggest hīkoi this country has ever seen” and “the haka”.

In November 2024, tens of thousands of people marched through the country to Parliament under the banners of Toitū te Tiriti. Te Pāti Māori’s youngest MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke also went viral for starting a haka in parliament during the first reading of the Treaty Principles Bill.

Asked what Te Pāti Māori offered that led to such support, Ngarewa-Packer said one of the biggest things was Māori leadership.

She said the party didn’t have to “settle” for “politically palatable” policies or actions.

“That has its own dynamics to manage, but the reality is what they could see and hear was a movement that wasn’t stifled by non-Māori views.

“What people want to see now and hear and feel is Māori leadership and Māori politicians,” she said.

That was the “brand” the party put forward, “including Māori whanaungatanga”.

Waititi said “our people can see themselves in this movement”.

“For the first time, politically, in this democracy, they could see Te Pāti Māori rising to become a very viable positioning in any future government coming through.”

Leadership

Party leadership has been severely challenged of late, starting with allegations by Toitū te Tiriti spokesperson and son of Te Pāti Māori MP Mariameno Kapa-Kingi – Eru Kapa-Kingi.

Months of turmoil followed, including counter-allegations, and an increasingly public fallout between the party and two of its MPs.

It led to the expulsion of Mariameno Kapa-Kingi (now temporarily re-instated) and Tākuta Ferris. A court hearing is scheduled for February 2026 to consider the issue of John Tamihere’s party presidency and the expulsion of Kapa-Kingi.

Asked what happened and how the party could return from the damage, Waititi said he still had not seen evidence to back up those allegations.

“I would love to have seen it, because then we could deal with it.”

He also said the disputes moved “outside these doors into a space that we had no control over”.

He acknowledged that te ao Māori was hurting over the split in the party, but that he couldn’t control the behaviour of others – “All I can do is control my own.”

He said it just “kept going and going and going” in the media and on social media, but re-iterated Te Pāti Māori didn’t take the issue to the media, social media or the courts.

“That should have been in house and we should have continued to have those discussions.”

RNZ suggested the co-leaders must have known an email sent to membership risked being leaked.

Waititi said: “We must have known a whole lot of things.

“That leaking of that email was not of our doing.”

Waititi said, if its electorates asked for information, it would have provided the information, “because the mana sits with them”.

“The mana doesn’t sit with Debbie and I,” he said. “We don’t get to choose what they want to see and what they don’t want to see.”

In terms of the public dispute, Ngarewa-Packer said she “felt very blindsided” by some of the comments and accusations made at the beginning.

“It just spiralled out of control, because you could see we were grinding.”

She hoped there was still enough goodwill to dispute and debate the issues internally, but the “minute it went external” – certainly for her own Te Tai Hauāuru electorate – “that was enough”.

The leaders clarified that was the point at which four of the six electorates decided to expel Kapa-Kingi and Ferris. Tai Tokerau was excluded from the process, while Te Tai Tonga and Hauraki-Waikato abstained.

“They had every right to say ‘enough is enough, we will not tolerate this for our kaupapa’,” Ngarewa-Packer said.

She said she completely understood the way people reacted in “disappointment”, “shock” and “horror”.

“We kept a lot inside for a very long time. We have to accept that our people are still feeling the emotional let down.”

She said you still have to “love” and “fight for” your people, even “when you disappoint them”.

Ngarewa-Packer said – “sadly” – individuals decided to “make it about personality politics”, but she didn’t think it was about Tamihere or any personality – it was about a “fundamental disagreement on how things should run”.

“From our perspective, it should not be the MPs that run the party. It should be the electorates.”

Ngarewa-Packer pointed out not everyone would like their leadership at different times and not everyone would agree across electorates at different times, but “you have to be disciplined”.

Asked whether expelling the two MPs went as expected or whether it had backfired, Waititi said things were “getting worse” before the expulsions.

“It just kept bleeding and bleeding.”

He believed there should be a good reason for people to resign.

“Give us a reason why JT should resign as a president. Give us the reason why.”

Ngarewa-Packer confirmed “absolutely” no consideration was given for Tamihere to step down as president, even if it would help unite the party.

Election year

The leaders knew next year would be tough, but they were adamant “there is no left bloc without Te Pāti Māori”.

Ngarewa-Packer said that was why the leadership should stay, because it showed certainty, and would help the party navigate through the “rough times” and remind everybody “what we’re here to do”.

“We are here, not to win big popularity competitions. We’re here to bring the movement and advance it through.”

Part of that was mobilising – again – the confidence “of our people on the ground”, Ngarewa-Packer said. At times, this would also look like showing political leadership that “may not be popular”.

“If the end goal is to get this government out and to get the left block in, then that has always been our focus.”

She did not deny it would be hard, but she pointed to 2020, when she and Waititi brought Te Pāti Māori back to Parliament.

“Not to play it down, but 2020 was bloody harder.”

Waititi said they had to “pull this waka” from underneath the water.

“We know what it’s like to have to build a rebuild a movement.”

Asked about Labour leader Chris Hipkins increasingly criticising Te Pāti Māori, throwing into question the ability of the two parties to be in coalition together, Ngarewa-Packer called it “poor politics”.

She said using a period of turmoil for Te Pāti Māori to “try and elevate themselves” was naive.

Waititi said Hipkins could critique them all he liked.

“Chris Hipkins, you will not be the prime minister without Te Pāti Māori.

“The Labour Party and the Green Party will need Te Pāti Māori to get over the line.”

Te Pāti Māori ‘unrecognisable’ – Kapa-Kingi

Mariameno Kapa-Kingi – who was awaiting a substantive court hearing in February to confirm whether her reinstatement to the party will be permanent – told RNZ she was feeling upbeat as she wound down the parliamentary year.

The high court’s temporary ruling had given her a sense of “satisfaction” she said.

“That was a good feeling for me to have that decision laid down for me, for my family and everybody.”

The toughest part of this year had been having a “campaign against me and my kids and my family”, she said. Having information “thrown across the media” felt “hurtful” and “wrong”.

She described “pieces of the puzzle” coming out in various ways more recently, with “truth-bombs” happening on the way. She spoke specifically of an interview by MATA with Tākuta Ferris, which levelled new allegations against Te Pāti Māori’s executive.

“That really brought some truth to the surface that people weren’t aware of.”

She indicated the court case next year would “bring it all together” in that particular setting, although she acknowledged court was a “last resort”.

Kapa-Kingi said she had no concerns in terms of information that may come to light in the court case that would paint her in a negative way.

Stuff reported earlier in December on a text message that had been included in the court documents.

One of the key issues that led to the fallout within the party was whether there had been an agreement between Kapa-Kingi and Takutai Tash Kemp to share resources between their electorates – leading to the projected budget blowout Kapa-Kingi was accused of.

Lawyers acting for TPM president John Tamihere said they had evidence showing Kemp was not pleased about how much had been spent by Kapa-Kingi. This was in the form of a screenshot of a text message from Kemp to Debbie Ngarewa-Packer which read:

“I can’t afford another transfer of $45k that’s just ridiculous and would mean they take $79k for five months for doing what,” she wrote, and then included a screaming cat emoji.

In response, Kapa-Kingi told RNZ she questioned the weight of someone’s case if it was based on an emoji, and said she had giggled when she heard of it.

She did not know how people would respond to it, but she was not worried.

“The bigger story, I guess, or the bigger actual decisions and outcomes of that certainly will out outrun any emoji.”

She confirmed she stood by all her spending decisions.

Looking ahead to 2026, Kapa-Kingi said the kaupapa behind Te Pāti Māori was “untouchable”, but the party was not in a good place.

The way it operated was lacking tikanga and fundamental ways of being Māori.

She said she kept hearing the breakdown within the party was about “personality” but she rejected that, saying it was about “systemic failing”.

She said what was need was a reset, “a serious reset, not a pretend, reset, but a real one”, referencing the party’s attempt at a reset as its newest MP Oriini Kaipara was sworn in in October.

“But I’m back in there now, see. So I’m gonna do everything I can to set it back on track.”

One of the missing pieces she said was “honest, straight, upfront kōrerō”, which she said she was going to help organise going forward.

“If it takes longer than 20 minutes in a caucus, then it takes longer than 20 minutes in a caucus.”

The party has not yet had a caucus meeting since Kapa-Kingi’s temporary reinstatement, and she remained distant from the co-leaders at the AGM in Rotorua throughout the day. Tamihere said at the time the party did not want to welcome her back into the fold.

She said that first caucus meeting will be “rough”, “testing” and “challenging,” but some “serious consideration” needed to happen next year if the goal was a change in government.

Currently, the party was “unrecognisable”, she said, but there was an opportunity to “pull it together”.

“And I’m up for that.”

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

Labour will not say if it will give its backing to the government’s free trade agreement (FTA) with India, but acknowledges it seems like a “good step forward” in something the party would support.

Labour’s trade spokesperson Damien O’Connor said he was not in a position to say whether a better deal could have been achieved by waiting.

“We have to seize the opportunity.

“Getting huge volumes of dairy into the consumer market was never realistic.

“We said so in government, we were criticised for it, but we were honest that ultimately building partnerships within it will be the long term value of this agreement.”

The government confirmed the conclusion of free trade negotiations with India on Monday, with significant wins for several industries, but limited gains for dairy.

The prime minister called it a “high quality deal”, saying it was about “our relative competitiveness”, but NZ First leader Winston Peters described it as a “low-quality deal” and was withholding his support.

His party exercised the agree to disagree provision of its coalition arrangements when Cabinet approval for the deal was sought last week, and made it clear that it would vote against enabling legislation if and when it was introduced to Parliament.

Whether it passes or not would now be up to the opposition – but Labour said its caucus had not had a chance to discuss it yet.

O’Connor told RNZ National and Act would have to reach out to Labour in regards to securing support. He said he had received a briefing from the trade minister and he did not “request” support.

“When that comes, that’s something we’ll look at.

“We have to see all the details before making that final decision.”

He acknowledged the ball had been in Labour’s court “many times”, referring to the China, EU and UK FTAs.

“We’ve always supported growing opportunities for our exporters.

“We hope that this is genuine progress from what I’ve seen so far.”

O’Connor said the deal was a “very small step” but a “positive step forward” in a world of “trade disruption.”

He said India had shifted its position since President Trump came to power, and New Zealand was a “beneficiary” of it trying to secure trade agreements with more trading partners.

“It’s good to get it over the line, even though industries like dairy will be disappointed, no doubt.”

The deal covered a “wide range of issues” he said, but “other sectors will judge whether it’s comprehensive or not”.

“How well these opportunities are taken up will depend upon both the Indian economy and the New Zealand economy.”

Government’s response

Christopher Luxon said on Monday he was confident the government would be able to pass the legislation, despite requiring Labour’s support to do so.

“We’ve seen a lot of good bipartisan support for trade across the Parliament, and we’ll continue to build the case for that.”

Luxon rejected the notion the deal was rushed through, despite NZ First urging the coalition not to rush it, and “to use all three years of this Parliamentary cycle in order to get the best possible deal” instead.

“More time doesn’t drive a better deal. This is as good a deal as it gets, and I think we should be very, very proud of this deal.”

He said he had “tried to deal” with NZ First’s objections, and “reassured them” about the parts that were in the interests of New Zealand.

“At the end of the day, this is going to be the third biggest economy in the world. This is an economy that New Zealand needs to be in.”

He also rejected the idea securing the deal was about meeting an election promise rather than getting the best deal for New Zealanders.

McClay said on Monday there would be a “range of views and concerns” but this was in the best interest of New Zealand.

“It will be each party for themselves to decide their position of whether they want to support an agreement that would deliver thousands of jobs and billions of dollars worth of new exports.”

He referenced the CPTPP (Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership) and said since then, there had been “consensus on trade across our Parliament, particularly with the large, major parties”.

He pointed to the process of free trade agreements, which were concluded and then signed and ratified, “but until a deal signed, actually, there is nothing to put before Parliament”.

The government would be able to rely on the support of the ACT Party, which said the announcment of the deal was a “massive moment for New Zealand”.

Trade spokesperson Dr Parmjeet Parmar said the agreement signalled that New Zealand was serious about engaging with one of its most important economic partners.

“Two-way trade between New Zealand and India already totals more than $3 billion each year. This agreement has the potential to grow this figure significantly, freeing trade and reducing barriers making it easier for businesses on both sides to sell and invest.

“This is a great opportunity for New Zealand with easier access to Indian markets meaning more certainty for exporters and more choice for consumers.”

Parmarsaid said India and New Zealand had strong links with many families, business people and professionals operating in both countries.

“This agreement will build on these connections allowing for greater pathways for collaboration in business and investment.”

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

The government has confirmed the conclusion of free trade negotiations with India with significant wins for several industries – but limited gains for dairy.

Trade Minister Todd McClay says the new agreement – expected to be formally signed off next year – will eliminate or reduce tariffs on 95 percent of exports, with wins for kiwifruit, apples, meat, wool, coal, forestry, and more.

“It puts New Zealand exporters on an equal or better footing to our competitors across a range of sectors and opens the door to India’s rapidly expanding middle class,” he said.

Almost 57 percent of exports would be duty-free from day one of the agreement coming into force, he said, “increasing to 82 per cent when fully implemented, with the remaining 13 per cent subject to sharp tariff cuts”.

Only limited gains were secured for dairy, with duty-free access for re-exports, bulk infant formula, and a 50 percent tariff cut for high-value milk albumins under a quota.

Dairy access to Indian markets was always going to be the holy grail for a free trade agreement with India – highly valuable but difficult to obtain.

McClay said dairy access would be future-proofed with a clause automatically triggering consultation for renegotiation of dairy access if India negotiated better terms with other comparable countries.

The deal would also be reviewed one year after it comes into force.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said the gains from the deal were “wide-ranging and significant”.

“We made a campaign commitment to New Zealanders to secure a Free Trade Agreement with India in our first term, and our countries have pursued this with determination,” he said.

“Since the election, Todd McClay has visited India seven times. The foreign minister has visited India twice. Earlier this year, I led New Zealand’s largest-ever trade mission to India. And New Zealand has hosted India’s president and two ministerial visits from India.

“The result is a high-quality trade agreement with a trusted partner that will deliver deep and lasting benefits for New Zealand.”

He said he had just spoken to India Prime Minister Narendra Modi, “who shares our excitement to further cement the strong relationship”.

McClay also highlighted a kiwifruit quota nearly four times current exports, with a 50 percent tariff applying once the quota is reached; agreement for preferential market access for apples and mānuka honey; and geographical indication rules for specialist and iconic New Zealand product names.

The deal would also establish a process for 1667 three-year work visas a year, focusing on priority roles on the Green List like doctors, nurses, teachers, ICT and engineering jobs.

Up to 1000 places would also be provided on New Zealand’s Working Holiday Scheme, matching Australia’s FTA with India.

The agreement would also include a Treaty of Waitangi clause.

India FTA Key details:

• Duty-free access on almost 57 percent of NZ exports from day one, increasing to 82 percent when fully implemented, with the remaining 13 percent being subject to sharp tariff cuts
• Immediate tariff elimination on sheep meat, wool, coal and over 95 per cent of forestry and wood exports
• Duty-free access on most seafood exports, including mussels and salmon, over seven years
• Duty-free access on most iron, steel and scrap aluminium, over 10 years or less
• Duty-free access for most industrial products, over five to 10 years 
• 50 per cent tariff cut for large quota of apples – nearly double recent average exports
• Duty-free access for kiwifruit within a quota almost four times our recent average exports, and tariff halved for exports outside of quota
• Duty-free access for cherries, avocados, persimmons and blueberries, over 10 years
• Tariffs on wine reduced from 150 percent to either 25 or 50 percent (depending on the value of the wine) over 10 years, plus a “Most Favoured Nations (MFN)” commitment
• Tariffs on mānuka honey cut from 66 percent to 16.5 percent over five years
• MFN status and liberalisation across services exports
• Duty-free access for dairy and other food ingredients for re-export from day one
• Duty-free access for bulk infant formula and other high-value dairy preparations over seven years
• 50 percent tariff cut for high value milk albumins within a NZ-specific quota equal to current export volumes

The deal also includes chapters on Customs Facilitation and Clearance, Technical Barriers to Trade, Sanitary and Phyto-Sanitary Standards, Culture, Trade and Traditional Knowledge, Economic Cooperation, Trade and Sustainable Development.

India’s economy is forecast to grow to $NZ12 trillion by 2030.

Two-way trade in 2024 was about $3.14b, with New Zealand exports making up about $718m of that – primarily in wool, logs and apples.

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

Prime Minster Christopher Luxon and Trade Minister Todd McClay are holding a media conference regarding a free trade deal with India.

RNZ understands the government has struck a free trade deal with India.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon promised to do so in his first term, and negotiations were formally launched in March.

He visited the country for four days in April, and Trade Minister Todd McClay has been on several trips there since.

Indian media reported over the weekend that an agreement had gone through the country’s cabinet.

Two-way trade between the two countries currently totals about $3.14 billion a year. About $718m of that is exports from New Zealand, primarily wool, logs and apples.

– more to come

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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

Sexual abuse support services facing cuts in the new year have been given an extra six months, but are being told not to expect any more than that.

The government planned to redirect $1.7 million from various contracts with sexual abuse services from January.

That included a long-running contract with HELP Auckland, worth about $380,000 a year, to provide long-term counselling for survivors of sexual abuse that weren’t eligible for ACC coverage.

But the Ministry of Social Development this weekend revealed it had extended the contracts.

“We informed providers on Friday that contracts had been extended until June 2026,” MSD spokesperson Mark Henderson said.

Kathryn McPhillips, the executive director of HELP Auckland, said she was informed about the extension late Friday afternoon.

“It’s wonderful, but we did get that email late or mid-afternoon on Friday. Luckily we hadn’t let staff go, or we would’ve been needing to frantically re-employ,” she said.

“We’ve been talking to clients and turning people away, so the lateness of it is really not good for organisation staff or survivors, but we’re very grateful to get the extension.”

McPhillips said MSD had been adamant that no more extensions would be given.

“They have been very clear there is no further extension after the 30th of June, but I’m really grateful. For us that means another 60 survivors can get their needs met who would otherwise be turned away, so that’s fantastic,” she said.

“The contract is one this organisation has had for a very long time, more than 30 years, it was basically our fundamental contract for counselling of survivors. It was the basis of our longer term recovery service.”

McPhillips said HELP Auckland’s crisis work, which was for people who had been recently abused, was under a different contract and remained unaffected.

“Alongside that sits funding from ACC, but that insurance model precludes anyone who doesn’t fall within the schedule for that act,” she explained.

That excluded people who had been sexually assaulted overseas, or those who had experienced digital sexual abuse.

“This contract allowed us to still see those people, and basically going forward those people will have nowhere to go,” she added.

She said the decision to end the contract raised questions about equity.

“The impacts of this kind of violence against you aren’t lessened because it happened in another country and you migrated here, or you were on your OE and it happened there,” she said.

“There’s a real question of equity of access here. Why should it only be that if it happened in a certain way, in a certain place at a certain time that you’re able to get help to recover? That’s not the kind of country we think New Zealand is.”

McPhillips said she would spend the next six months pushing for the government to keep the contract going.

“We’re going to keep trying to show the government that this is a really fundamental need, that it’s an issue of equity,” she said.

“The government’s long term strategy is to end sexual violence. Well, having services available to people impacted by it is really a critical part of that strategy.”

Where to get help:

• Need to Talk? Free call or text 1737 any time to speak to a trained counsellor, for any reason
• Lifeline: 0800 543 354 or text HELP to 4357
• Suicide Crisis Helpline: 0508 828 865 / 0508 TAUTOKO. This is a service for people who may be thinking about suicide, or those who are concerned about family or friends
• Depression Helpline: 0800 111 757 or text 4202
• Samaritans: 0800 726 666
• Youthline: 0800 376 633 or text 234 or email talk@youthline.co.nz
• What’s Up: 0800 WHATSUP / 0800 9428 787. This is free counselling for 5 to 19-year-olds
• Asian Family Services: 0800 862 342 or text 832. Languages spoken: Mandarin, Cantonese, Korean, Vietnamese, Thai, Japanese, Hindi, and English.
• Rural Support Trust Helpline: 0800 787 254
• Healthline: 0800 611 116
• Rainbow Youth: (09) 376 4155
• OUTLine: 0800 688 5463
• Aoake te Rā bereaved by suicide service: or call 0800 000 053

If it is an emergency and you feel like you or someone else is at risk, call 111.

Sexual Violence

Family Violence

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

Finance Minister Nicola Willis will not be standing for an electorate seat at the next election.

At the last election, Willis campaigned for the Wellington electorate of Ōhāriu, which was narrowly won by Labour’s Greg O’Connor with 17,565 votes to Willis’ 16,305.

The electorate will next year be split into the new seats of Kenepuru and Kāpiti, which replace Mana and Ōtaki.

In a statement, Willis – who is also National’s deputy leader and has been confirmed as a list-only candidate – said she would campaign across New Zealand to re-elect a National government.

“I am honoured to have the support of the National Party Board to campaign across New Zealand to help re-elect a National Government focused on fixing the basics and building the future,” she said.

Willis said the economy was growing again and inflation had come down as a result of the government’s plan.

“We cannot take our recovery for granted. Labour have been clear – their plan is to tax more, borrow more, and spend more, leaving us worse off and jeopardising what all Kiwis have worked so hard for.

“With the economy recovering, exports at a record high and a new planning system on the way New Zealand is in safe hands under a National Government.

“I’m looking forward to supporting Christopher Luxon and National MPs and candidates around NZ to campaign for and win the Party Vote at next year’s General Election.”

O’Connor has said he intends to continue his political career, but will not challenge Labour colleage Barbara Edmonds.

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

Source: Radio New Zealand

RNZ understands the government has struck a Free Trade deal with India.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon promised to do so in his first term, and negotiations were formally launched in March.

He visited the country for four days in April, and Trade Minister Todd McClay has been on several trips there since.

Indian media over the weekend reported an agreement had gone through the country’s cabinet.

Reports have suggested negotiations were finalised in recent days, with Christopher Luxon expected to make an announcement soon.

Two-way trade between the two countries currently totals about $3.14 billion a year.

About $718m of that is exports from New Zealand, primarily wool, logs and apples.

The prime minister’s office in a statement said he had seen speculation, but had no comment for now.

McClay’s office has been contacted.

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Source: Radio New Zealand

New Zealand First leader Winston Peters has reversed his previous opposition to the Chorus debt sell-off, saying it is “monetisation” rather than an asset sale.

Finance Minister Nicola Willis last week confirmed the government would sell about $650m in interest-free loans Chorus owes the government, which is not due to be fully paid back until 2036.

In November, Peters told Morning Report he did not support the proposal, calling it “creative accounting of the worst sort”.

“You’re selling off a debt on the basis that you’ve got an asset? Why don’t we just make sure that Chorus pays us back?” he said.

“I don’t support that idea. I don’t support failed economics. I don’t support wanton neoliberalism, which is a disaster. We went through it once before.”

The government last week confirmed it would go ahead and sell off the debt, which would be ring-fenced for funding other infrastructure.

Asked why Peters had changed his mind, a spokesperson told RNZ a key word in the announcement was ‘monetisation’.

“Monetisation is a mechanism to effectively adjust the timing of the maturity of the debt,” the spokesperson said.

“New Zealand First stands firm on its position on state asset sales.”

The government’s statement announcing the move last week was titled “earlier monetisation of Chorus debt”.

Infrastructure Minister Chris Bishop had said the process would begin in early 2026, and would not change the ownership of Chorus, or the company’s services and assets.

The loan was to help Chorus finance and accelerate the rollout of fibre broadband across the country.

The government does not have a stake in Chorus.

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Source: Radio New Zealand

The High Court has ruled Human Rights Commissioner Stephen Rainbow and Race Relations Commissioner Melissa Derby were appointed unlawfully by the Minister of Justice Paul Goldsmith.

Goldsmith says he’s taking advice on the judgment and considering “next steps”, including a possible appeal.

Human rights advocate Paul Thistoll had challenged the minister’s decision to appoint Rainbow and Derby, making four key arguments.

Two of those were upheld, that the minister failed to apply the correct legal test, and failed to take into account mandatory considerations. That the minister breached a “legitimate expectation” and “made an unreasonable decision” were not upheld.

The minister opposed the argument, but Justice David Gendall found the appointments were unlawful.

The appointment of Rainbow in August 2024 had prompted concern from some quarters – including Labour and the Greens – given his staunch pro-Israel views and previous comments about “a trans agenda”.

Derby had also come in for some criticism for sharing a tweet in 2023 which said the “trans movement” could not be tolerated in civil society.

The Judge explained in his ruling neither Rainbow or Derby were part of the initial shortlist of candidates for either role. A briefing was provided to Goldsmith, seeking approval for the shortlist of candidates proposed an assessment panel.

That panel included former Court of Appeal judge Sir Terence Arnold and former Attorney-General Christopher Finlayson KC.

After considering the briefing, Justice Gendall said the minister requested the panel remove two names from the shortlist for the role of Chief Commissioner and add two names, including Rainbow, and did the same with the shortlist for the Race Relations Commissioner role.

After the candidates were interviewed, the panel’s assessment of Rainbow resulted in “not recommended.” The panel observed his strengths, describing him as “articulate and engaging” and as having the ability to “build bridges across the political divide”, but noted his lack of legal experience.

The Judge also noted the applicant, Thistoll, contends there’d been “concerns raised by the ACT party” after Rainbow was initially unsuccessful, with its leader speaking directly to Goldsmith.

Derby was also interviewed, and while it considered she met a number of the criteria, the panel also found Derby “lacked depth and experience”, concluding it was unable to recommend her for appointment as Race Relations Commissioner.

The minister went on to appointment Derby and Rainbow in August, with them both commencing their roles in November 2024.

Thistoll’s lawyer Monique van Alphen-Fyfe argued the minister didn’t “expressly consider” the Commission’s detailed functions and whether Rainbow or Derby were capable of assisting in performing those functions.

The minister’s lawyer, Peter Gunn, argued saying it can reasonably be concluded that it is unlikely any candidate will have knowledge, skill or experience in all areas.

“Accordingly, the minister must assess the weight to give to the varying knowledge, skills and experience of each candidate.”

The Judge largely accepted van Alphen-Fyfe’s argument, but also agreed no one candidate will have skills in all areas. He ruled the incorrect legal test had been applied, “therefore, narrowly, this ground of review is made out”.

Thistoll took the case as a private citizen, “the Human Rights Commission exists to protect the rights of all New Zealanders, particularly the most vulnerable”.

“It is vital that those appointed to lead it are selected through a lawful, robust process that respects the statutory criteria set by Parliament.”

He told RNZ “coalition dynamics were definitely in play” in these appointments. He said ACT seemed “very keen” to have Rainbow appointed even though he “didn’t meet the statutory requirements”.

“The Court has confirmed that the minister cannot simply bypass the legal requirements of the Crown Entities Act and the Human Rights Act.”

Goldsmith told RNZ he’d received the judgment and was taking advice on next steps, “including a possible appeal”.

“The Court found that there was evidence to support both appointments, and it rejected arguments that my decisions were unreasonable.

“It also found I do not have to accept appointment panel recommendations, and could place different weight on the appointment criteria in the Human Rights Act.

“The two grounds that it did uphold by a narrow margin, could be described as technical.”

Neither Commissioner will be removed from their roles as a result of the ruling as Thistoll didn’t argue for this.

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Source: Radio New Zealand

The Green Party is targeting “private interests and corporate greed” as it gears up for an election the co-leaders expect to be filled with vitriol and personal attacks.

Swarbrick – facing her first campaign as co-leader – is calling for fundamental economic change, and laid down a challenge to take Richardson’s place in a debate with Willis.

She and Marama Davidson are adamant those saying the party has lost sight of its environmental roots are bad-faith actors, and said climate will be one of three bottom lines the party would bring to negotiations if they are in a position to help form a government.

Push for economic restructuring

Speaking to RNZ in an end-of-year sitdown interview, the two co-leaders say the government spent more time talking about their Green Budget this year than its own.

Swarbrick said their Budget worked “phenomenally well” and the party is planning a repeat for 2026.

“The Greens are the ones asking this government and this country and this Parliament for a meaningful policy debate, which really actually prompts the question of why our Minister of Finance would prefer to entertain a debate with a ghost of this place, as opposed to the Green Party,” she said.

Willis challenged Taxpayers Union chair Richardson – who was National’s finance minister from 1990 to 1993 under Jim Bolger, and delivered the so-called “mother of all budgets” – to a debate this month.

“Anytime, anywhere,” Willis said, but after disagreements over time, venue and moderator Richardson appeared to torpedo the clash, refusing to be part of a “circus or sideshow”.

Swarbrick said the Greens were “very much clearly taking a stand against corporate greed over public good” and eager to take Richardson’s place in a future debate.

“Absolutely. I’ve been challenging her on the tiles for the last week,” she said.

Richardson had wanted to wait to debate Willis until after the December opening of the books.

When it arrived, she characterised it as “the worst in 30 years” and economists warned the government would need to make difficult choices with debt likely needing to rise to cater to an ageing workforce.

Swarbrick described this as a “doom loop” with high unemployment and low growth leading to a lower tax take and requiring the government to borrow more to pay for the same level of services. She argued for reshaping of the economy – taking on more government debt earlier to boost productivity by investing in industry.

“One of the examples that we’ve given is a central North Island wood processing space, which could then be used for sake of helping to decarbonise our electricity system, but also for helping to build more public housing.”

Staffing issues nothing ‘outside of the normal’

The Greens have had several staff resign over the past year, including their chief of staff Eliza Prestidge-Oldfield, director of communications Louis Day, and senior press secretary Johnny Blades.

Swarbrick denies that turnover is “anything other than outside of the normal”.

“We’re in the middle of the electoral cycle, everybody who has worked for us … we have good relationships with. We continue to support all of those who have decided that maybe they don’t want to be here right now.

“I think when you do that work in this fishbowl… it can feel like psychological warfare. This is a deeply inhuman institution to work within.”

Davidson said the party was “really, really stoked” former MP Kevin Hague was taking over as chief of staff.

“He had a particular expertise, skill and incredible level of leadership – but it’s been, what, a decade, and he’s grown that even more.”

Swarbrick said Hague had picked up a lot of what the party already had under way including the strategy of combating “corporate greed”.

“He’s running with it, and he’s helping us to continue to build the institution, the infrastructure that’s necessary to get our best election result ever.”

That’s despite the Greens dipping to just 7 percent in the recent 1News-Verian poll.

“We don’t pretend that it’s going to be an easy task to get people re-engaged in politics when this government has spent two years basically trying to actively disempower people and ignoring them when they choose to engage in the system.”

The ‘most toxic’ Parliamentary term

Davidson says it is difficult for people struggling with living costs to engage in democracy.

“That is intentional, that is designed to stop people from wanting to engage, to stop people from realising their own power.”

She said the party would be putting in effort to get voters registered and active, but was also expecting other parties would be more nasty and vitriolic as the election neared.

“We’re seeing it now, but that doesn’t have to be what we give attention to.”

She said the Greens would love to see all parties sign up to a commitment to not use personal attacks, or using technology and artificial intelligence in a way that “doesn’t tell the truth”.

Swarbrick says this has been “definitely the most toxic” of the three Parliamentary terms she had been an MP.

“And it is also the term in which it appears as though truth is completely fallen off the table. It is incredibly difficult to have meaningful public policy debates with people who refuse to accept that up is up and down is down, and gravity exists, and climate change is real.”

She said the party had been working on putting forward policy to show what they stand for, not just what they stand against, because “that is a far more powerful place for any individual human being to operate from then the politics of division”.

Working with Labour, Te Pāti Māori, or New Zealand First

Questioned about non-negotiables – and clearly anticipating questions about Labour’s tax policy – Davidson said that was “up to the people to decide” and “no politician or political party gets to say what is completely in and what is completely out”.

She said specific priorities would be decided closer to the election, but “always, there’s going to be upholding the wellbeing of people, tangata, the wellbeing of environment, taiao, and that that is only possible through upholding Te Tiriti”.

She named “climate, protecting nature, and ensuring that everyone is taken care of” as bottom lines for negotiations if the party were in a position to help form a government.

“The public good over corporate greed, it’s as simple as that,” Swarbrick says. “We’re not only interested in changing the government but… a government of change.”

Davidson said they hoped Te Pāti Māori could sort out their problems with leadership but “that’s absolutely for them to do”.

“There is time for them to get themselves together. The other thing is, again, it’s for the voters to decide the ultimate votes on the night of election.”

Davidson didn’t engage directly when asked about New Zealand First potentially positioning itself as kingmaker.

“If people want a government that properly talks about the issues, provides the solutions, pulls people together instead of a government that has a party that thrives on the politics of division and targeting vulnerable groups of people, then they really need to ensure that the Greens are strongest.

“I think if you want the real New Zealand First,” Swarbrick says, “you’ve got to party vote Green.”

Keeping up with the climate

While much of Swarbrick’s focus has been on economy and cost of living, she said the public should be paying more attention to climate change.

“The government is relying on climate policy being so complex and therefore potentially boring to people that they disengage from it, but this is a slow-moving car crash, the climate crisis is a cost of living disaster.”

Not only would it mean more severe and frequent extreme weather, she said, but insurance retreat leading to a worsening housing crisis, and less predictable food-growing.

Those saying the Greens have lost sight of the climate and environmental issues – including NZ First’s Winston Peters – are “bad-faith actors”, she said

“They know the questions that we have asked… they know the fight that we’ve put up against the fast track legislation, they know that Marama put out a very clear statement about our intention to revoke if the government chooses to move ahead with the most heinous… fast-track consents,” Swarbrick said.

“We have been pushing Nicola Willis to provide transparency about the cost liabilities and meeting our nationally determined contribution [to the Paris Agreement], which she continues to say that we’re committed to yet won’t show us the money.”

She said the Greens’ vision for the economy “caters to and upholds the wellbeing of both people and planet”, which did not need to be traded off against each other.

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