Author: MIL-OSI Publisher

  • Crown settles Treaty claim with Ngāti Ranginui

    Source: NZ Music Month takes to the streets

    The Crown has settled a 17-year negotiation process with iwi of Tauranga as the Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Ranginui Claims Settlement Bill passes its third reading in Parliament today, Treaty Negotiations Minister Paul Goldsmith says.

    “This has been a long time coming and I thank the Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Ranginui Settlement Trust and the negotiating team for their enduring efforts. 

    “While no settlement can fully compensate for the Crown’s injustices towards Ngāti Ranginui, I sincerely hope this redress package will support Ngāti Ranginui to realise their economic and cultural aspirations for generations to come.”

    The redress includes an agreed historical account, crown acknowledgements of its historical breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi and a Crown apology.

    Key elements of the redress include:

    • Financial and commercial redress of $38 million
    • The return of 15 sites of cultural significance
    • Two properties of cultural significance vested jointly with other iwi
    • Relationship redress with key Crown agencies

    “In this settlement, the Crown has acknowledged its breaches of te Tiriti o Waitangi, including its responsibility for war and raupatu in Tauranga in the 1860s, the purchase of Te Puna-Katikati blocks soon after, the operation and impact of the native land laws, and the compulsory acquisition of land under later Māori land legislation that left Ngāti Ranginui without sufficient land for their present and future needs,” Mr Goldsmith says.

    “I want to acknowledge the people of Ngāti Ranginui who have travelled to Parliament today to witness this auspicious occasion and those who watched the passing of this Bill online from Tauranga.” 

    Ngāti Ranginui is an iwi based in the Tauranga region with a population of approximately 15,000 people. Their area of interest extends from Ngakuriawharei, north of Tauranga, inland to the summit of Mount Te Aroha, extending south-east along the Kaimai Range to Puwhenua and reaching south to the Mangorewa River. 

    The Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Ranginui Deed of Settlement is available at Te Tari Whakatau – Ngāti Ranginui 

    The Ngāti Ranginui Claims Settlement Bill can be found at New Zealand Legislation.  

  • Parliament Hansard Report – Wednesday, 14 May 2025 (continued on Thursday, 15 May 2025) – Volume 784 – 001474

    Parliament Hansard Report – Wednesday, 14 May 2025 (continued on Thursday, 15 May 2025) – Volume 784 – 001474

    Source: Govt’s austerity Budget to cause real harm in communities

    CAMERON LUXTON (ACT): Thank you, Mr Speaker. Tēnā koutou Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Ranginui, Ngāti Te Wai, Pirirākau, Ngāti Taka, Ngāti Rangi, Ngāti Pango, Ngāti Kahu, Ngāti Hangarau, Ngāi Tamarāwaho, Ngāi Te Ahi, Ngāti Ruahine, and all your tīpuna and all your ancestors that you represent here today and your descendants to come.

    I have stood and spoken in this House on behalf of the ACT Party on a few Treaty settlement bills. In the 18 months since I’ve been elected, I’ve been privileged to speak on the Whakatōhea Claims Settlement Act—close to home—and, recently, the Te Ture mō Ō-Rākau, Te Pae o Maumahara 2025/Ō-Rākau Remembrance Act 2025, the history of which touches deeply in some of the history outlined in the Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Ranginui Claims Settlement Bill.

    This is, for me, an emotional moment to speak on such a bill. I am a child of Pāpāmoa. I come from the Bay of Plenty; this is where I am from. I read about the history, and it’s history that I know quite well—as much as one who didn’t descend from it and live part of it can hope to know. These acknowledgments are long overdue. When I was a young fulla—I actually said something similar in the Ō-Rākau Act—I probably spent too much time wagging school, but I was doing some things. At one point, I drove over to the site of the Battle of Ō-Rākau by myself when I should have been at school, because I was interested in the history. But that history stemmed from a story that I have shared with some people, some who are even in this gallery today, where I went about trying to understand the history of my own area because I didn’t feel like I was learning it properly. I remember, one day I left school—probably during English class—and got my way over to Pyes Pā and went looking for a battle site that I’d read about but didn’t know anything about and wasn’t being taught about.

    Actually, first I should say, growing up, my generation started learning about Gate Pā, better known as Pukehinahina. We started learning about that, and it was talked about the way the toa and the wāhine treated with their enemy—there was a declaration on the way that Māori toa were going to treat with their enemies. I found the great line: “If thy enemy hungers, feed him; if he thirsts, give him drink.” to exemplify what I’m trying to talk about here. So Pukehinahina was a known battle. It was sat there as a monument with an Anglican church on it, and we all knew it was there, but we didn’t know about Te Ranga. I went looking that day for the battle site. I had old maps that I’d found—God bless the internet for giving information out. I was trying to track the topography of the land and the rivers and the road, trying to find this place. So imagine a 15-year-old—myself—bashing through a bramble bush on the side of the road and finding this concrete plinth with old writing on it that could barely be understood. You know, it was not a well-kept mark of the site. But, as for me, I could start to see the way things happened there, and it was deeply emotional for me sitting there—I mean, remember, I was 15 years old; this was quite a shocking thing to try and discover for oneself.

    I’m glad and proud that today that site has been taken care of, acknowledged, and shown to the people of Tauranga and the people that travelled that road between Rotorua and Tauranga. But I recognise also the deep pain of the battle of Te Ranga, and the way that pain has carried on through the generations probably reflects why it was not in the state that it is now. It is a good thing that it is now being looked after, but I can completely empathise with those who would rather have just looked away and not thought about that particular site.

    The raupatu and confiscations are something that Tauranga was—you know, reading Victory at Gate Pā?, Buddy Mikaere’s book, you can see the constraints on the descendants. You know, moving into areas like Judea, in Tauranga—”Ju-daya”, I suppose, if anyone else is reading it—how that was marginal land, and how they no longer had access to places like Kōpūrererua and the fertile places around to harvest kai and grow. It was not a great—”not great” is an understatement; it was a horrible, horrible situation for a century, for decades and decades. But, today, this House starts to recognise, by going through the motions of passing into law, deed of settlement. That has, as we’ve heard, been a long time coming back from the splitting of the Tauranga Moana Iwi Collective Redress Bill.

    Also, I note that in some of the settlement, there is land to be returned. A lot of people outside of the Bay of Plenty know about Mount Maunganui—Mauao—know about the hill that sort of sits there and is the symbol of our area and a sacred hill to you—sorry, Mr Speaker—to Ngāti Ranginui. But there’s also hills like Pūwhenua and Ōtānewainuku getting returned in this settlement in a way—still with access to the public, but returning.

    Talking to my wife this morning, I asked, “What are you doing today, darling?” She said, “I’m going to go and get the bloody stoat that I’ve heard is running around in Ōtānewainuku right now.” So as I stand here speaking about the settlement and how Ōtānewainuku is being returned, my wife is currently out there trying to eradicate pests on that very piece of whenua, and I felt that was quite a poetic situation to find myself, and ourselves, in.

    My children are getting raised in the area. They’re learning about where all the reefs are. They learn where the hills are and the rivers. I don’t shy back from telling them about the history of Tauranga, but I also tell them that this is their place. This is where they’re from. This is where they’ll always be able to come back to. We know the rivers, as much as I can discover them and my family can discover them. We know the waters, the hills, and the bush as much as we can. It probably was a bit too much as a young fulla trying to get out and go places that perhaps weren’t always public access, but I wanted to experience everything that our beautiful rohe, your beautiful rohe, has to show.

    Tauranga was supposed to be a safe harbour. It was discovered by Tamatea-arikinui and the waka Tākitimu, eventually opening up for your people to settle. Te Awanui, Tauranga Harbour, was supposed to be—and it is—a safe harbour. Te Awanui was supposed to be a safe harbour and it was not. The Crown ships came in, opened up another front of the Waikato Wars, and that’s where this pain starts. Today, we’re not finishing the pain but we’re taking another step on that path of sorting it out. I thank you very much for listening to me ramble on. Ngā mihi. Thank you, Mr Speaker.

  • Parliament Hansard Report – Wednesday, 14 May 2025 (continued on Thursday, 15 May 2025) – Volume 784 – 001473

    Parliament Hansard Report – Wednesday, 14 May 2025 (continued on Thursday, 15 May 2025) – Volume 784 – 001473

    Source: Govt’s austerity Budget to cause real harm in communities

    CAMERON LUXTON (ACT): Thank you, Mr Speaker. Tēnā koutou Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Ranginui, Ngāti Te Wai, Pirirākau, Ngāti Taka, Ngāti Rangi, Ngāti Pango, Ngāti Kahu, Ngāti Hangarau, Ngāi Tamarāwaho, Ngāi Te Ahi, Ngāti Ruahine, and all your tīpuna and all your ancestors that you represent here today and your descendants to come.

    I have stood and spoken in this House on behalf of the ACT Party on a few Treaty settlement bills. In the 18 months since I’ve been elected, I’ve been privileged to speak on the Whakatōhea Claims Settlement Act—close to home—and, recently, the Te Ture mō Ō-Rākau, Te Pae o Maumahara 2025/Ō-Rākau Remembrance Act 2025, the history of which touches deeply in some of the history outlined in the Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Ranginui Claims Settlement Bill.

    This is, for me, an emotional moment to speak on such a bill. I am a child of Pāpāmoa. I come from the Bay of Plenty; this is where I am from. I read about the history, and it’s history that I know quite well—as much as one who didn’t descend from it and live part of it can hope to know. These acknowledgments are long overdue. When I was a young fulla—I actually said something similar in the Ō-Rākau Act—I probably spent too much time wagging school, but I was doing some things. At one point, I drove over to the site of the Battle of Ō-Rākau by myself when I should have been at school, because I was interested in the history. But that history stemmed from a story that I have shared with some people, some who are even in this gallery today, where I went about trying to understand the history of my own area because I didn’t feel like I was learning it properly. I remember, one day I left school—probably during English class—and got my way over to Pyes Pā and went looking for a battle site that I’d read about but didn’t know anything about and wasn’t being taught about.

    Actually, first I should say, growing up, my generation started learning about Gate Pā, better known as Pukehinahina. We started learning about that, and it was talked about the way the toa and the wāhine treated with their enemy—there was a declaration on the way that Māori toa were going to treat with their enemies. I found the great line: “If thy enemy hungers, feed him; if he thirsts, give him drink.” to exemplify what I’m trying to talk about here. So Pukehinahina was a known battle. It was sat there as a monument with an Anglican church on it, and we all knew it was there, but we didn’t know about Te Ranga. I went looking that day for the battle site. I had old maps that I’d found—God bless the internet for giving information out. I was trying to track the topography of the land and the rivers and the road, trying to find this place. So imagine a 15-year-old—myself—bashing through a bramble bush on the side of the road and finding this concrete plinth with old writing on it that could barely be understood. You know, it was not a well-kept mark of the site. But, as for me, I could start to see the way things happened there, and it was deeply emotional for me sitting there—I mean, remember, I was 15 years old; this was quite a shocking thing to try and discover for oneself.

    I’m glad and proud that today that site has been taken care of, acknowledged, and shown to the people of Tauranga and the people that travelled that road between Rotorua and Tauranga. But I recognise also the deep pain of the battle of Te Ranga, and the way that pain has carried on through the generations probably reflects why it was not in the state that it is now. It is a good thing that it is now being looked after, but I can completely empathise with those who would rather have just looked away and not thought about that particular site.

    The raupatu and confiscations are something that Tauranga was—you know, reading Victory at Gate Pā?, Buddy Mikaere’s book, you can see the constraints on the descendants. You know, moving into areas like Judea, in Tauranga—”Ju-daya”, I suppose, if anyone else is reading it—how that was marginal land, and how they no longer had access to places like Kōpūrererua and the fertile places around to harvest kai and grow. It was not a great—”not great” is an understatement; it was a horrible, horrible situation for a century, for decades and decades. But, today, this House starts to recognise, by going through the motions of passing into law, deed of settlement. That has, as we’ve heard, been a long time coming back from the splitting of the Tauranga Moana Iwi Collective Redress Bill.

    Also, I note that in some of the settlement, there is land to be returned. A lot of people outside of the Bay of Plenty know about Mount Maunganui—Mauao—know about the hill that sort of sits there and is the symbol of our area and a sacred hill to you—sorry, Mr Speaker—to Ngāti Ranginui. But there’s also hills like Pūwhenua and Ōtānewainuku getting returned in this settlement in a way—still with access to the public, but returning.

    Talking to my wife this morning, I asked, “What are you doing today, darling?” She said, “I’m going to go and get the bloody stoat that I’ve heard is running around in Ōtānewainuku right now.” So as I stand here speaking about the settlement and how Ōtānewainuku is being returned, my wife is currently out there trying to eradicate pests on that very piece of whenua, and I felt that was quite a poetic situation to find myself, and ourselves, in.

    My children are getting raised in the area. They’re learning about where all the reefs are. They learn where the hills are and the rivers. I don’t shy back from telling them about the history of Tauranga, but I also tell them that this is their place. This is where they’re from. This is where they’ll always be able to come back to. We know the rivers, as much as I can discover them and my family can discover them. We know the waters, the hills, and the bush as much as we can. It probably was a bit too much as a young fulla trying to get out and go places that perhaps weren’t always public access, but I wanted to experience everything that our beautiful rohe, your beautiful rohe, has to show.

    Tauranga was supposed to be a safe harbour. It was discovered by Tamatea-arikinui and the waka Tākitimu, eventually opening up for your people to settle. Te Awanui, Tauranga Harbour, was supposed to be—and it is—a safe harbour. Te Awanui was supposed to be a safe harbour and it was not. The Crown ships came in, opened up another front of the Waikato Wars, and that’s where this pain starts. Today, we’re not finishing the pain but we’re taking another step on that path of sorting it out. I thank you very much for listening to me ramble on. Ngā mihi. Thank you, Mr Speaker.

  • Parliament Hansard Report – Business of the House – 001473

    Parliament Hansard Report – Business of the House – 001473

    Source: Govt’s austerity Budget to cause real harm in communities

    WEDNESDAY, 14 MAY 2025

    (continued on Thursday, 15 May 2025)

    BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE

    DEPUTY SPEAKER: The House is resumed for the extended sitting—Government orders of the day, continued. Members, in accordance with the determination of the Business Committee, the House will debate the first reading of the Ngāti Hāua Claims Settlement Bill, to be followed immediately by the remaining stages of Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Ranginui Claims Settlement Bill.

  • Parliament Hansard Report – Business of the House – 001472

    Parliament Hansard Report – Business of the House – 001472

    Source: Govt’s austerity Budget to cause real harm in communities

    WEDNESDAY, 14 MAY 2025

    (continued on Thursday, 15 May 2025)

    BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE

    DEPUTY SPEAKER: The House is resumed for the extended sitting—Government orders of the day, continued. Members, in accordance with the determination of the Business Committee, the House will debate the first reading of the Ngāti Hāua Claims Settlement Bill, to be followed immediately by the remaining stages of Ngā Hapū o Ngāti Ranginui Claims Settlement Bill.

  • Parliament Hansard Report – Ngāti Hāua Claims Settlement Bill — First Reading – 001472

    Parliament Hansard Report – Ngāti Hāua Claims Settlement Bill — First Reading – 001472

    Source: Govt’s austerity Budget to cause real harm in communities

    NGĀTI HĀUA CLAIMS SETTLEMENT BILL

    First Reading

    Hon PAUL GOLDSMITH (Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations): I seek leave to present a legislative statement on the Ngāti Hāua Claims Settlement Bill.

    DEPUTY SPEAKER: Leave has been sought for that course of action. Is there any objection? There is none and leave has been given. That legislative statement is published under the authority of the House and can be found on the Parliament website.

    Hon PAUL GOLDSMITH: I move, That the Ngāti Hāua Claims Settlement Bill be now read a first time. I nominate the Māori Affairs Committee to consider the bill.

    [Authorised reo Māori text to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

    [Authorised translation to be inserted by the Hansard Office.]

    In March I was welcomed on to the Ngapuwaiwaha Marae in Taumarunuito sign Te Pua o Te Riri Kore, the Ngāti Hāua deed of settlement. It was a great occasion, and I’ll never forget it. The sun was shining in Taumarunui and I received a warm greeting. I want to thank the members of Ngāti Hāua who have gathered to watch the bill being read for the first time, both here in the gallery and online across the motu. You have shown great strength and determination in coming to this point.

    It was a special occasion. I did make the mistake of deciding to drive myself from Auckland to Taumarunui and I got a ticket on the way back, but that’s by the by. I’ll set that aside. Today marks a significant milestone for in the shared history of Ngāti Hāua and the Crown, and it’s a testament to the commitment of everybody involved that the Ngāti Hāua settlement journey has been a long one and it’s important today to remember and pay tribute to leaders and the many whānau members who passed on before they could see the fruits of their efforts.

    One significant leader was the late chair of the Ngāti Hāua Iwi Trust, Eugene Taupene who passed away in 2020 in the midst of the COVID-19 lockdowns. I personally didn’t have the honour of meeting Eugene but his rich legacy has guided these negotiations. I want to acknowledge and thank the Ngāti Hāua negotiation team for their collective effort—the chair Graham Bell and his team. Your wisdom, patience, and determination were critical in achieving this settlement, which truly promotes reconciliation.

    On the Crown’s side I acknowledge the work of my predecessors, the Hon Christopher Finlayson and the Hon Andrew Little. I particularly want to acknowledge the work of the Chief Crown Negotiator, Dr John Wood. I want to thank my ministerial colleagues, Crown agencies, local authorities, and members of Parliament who are here today to mark this occasion.

    Today’s speaking marks another milestone for Ngāti Hāua in their settlement journey. Negotiatons started in 2017 but Ngāti Hāua have been looking for justice for generations. As Ngāti Hāua negotiations manager Aaron Rice-Edwards said, “We’ve been an iwi that has been pushed in the shadows but we’ve always been a tough fighting iwi. We never give up. It’s taken us over 160 years to come to this point, to realise that vision of riri kore (no more fighting.)”

    The settlement is grounded in the Crown’s acknowledgments and apology for its many breaches of Te Tiriti. I formally delivered the Crown apology to Ngāti Hāua at the signing of the deed of settlement in March. During the ceremony we all felt the enduring hurt of Ngāti Hāua. The day was a poignant reminder of the importance of the Crown recognising and acknowledging its wrongdoings. At the ceremony I also spoke of the statutory pardons for Ngāti Hāua tīpuna and Mātene Ruta Te Whareaitu and Te Rangiātea, which are facilitated through the Ngāti Hāua settlement. Alongside the deed, this bill records the Crown’s treatment of Te Rangiātea and Mātene and the resulting intergenerational stigma and mamae experienced by their uri and by Ngāti Hāua. This bill will enact long-overdue statutory pardons for these Ngāti Hāua tīpuna who were treated so harshly by the Crown.

    In recognising the harm caused, we’ve worked with Ngāti HHāua to build a redress package that addresses these grievances, provide for the return of 64 sites of deep cultural significance to be transferred as cultural redress, including sites that will be jointly vested with some other groups, a cultural revitalisation fund, recognition of the innate connection of Ngāti Hāua to their rohe, and their obligations as tangata tiaki, through a range of mechanisms such as Te Pou Taiao a joint management committee, relationship redress with many Crown agencies, and financial and commercial redress of $19 million for the right to purchase a number of commercial properties.

    The deed of settlement also recognises the importance of Te Pou Tikanga to Ngāti Hāua, the innate values that underpin Ngāti Hāua’s aspirations for Treaty settlement and the vision for a restored relationship with the Crown.

    It’s my hope that this settlement will mark the beginning of a strengthened relationship between Ngāti Hāua and the Crown, based on mutual trust, cooperation, and partnership.

    Madam Speaker, friends: no settlement can fully compensate for the loss and prejudice that Ngāti Hāua people suffered. Through this settlement the Crown hopes to retore its honour and alleviate Ngāti Hāua’s deep sense of grievance. Today is about looking forward to the future while acknowledging the long and difficult journey it’s taken to get there.

    I believe that the settlement lays the cultural and economic foundations for Ngāti Hāua to reestablish their connection with their rohe, strengthen their identity, and provide for a stronger cultural, social, and economic future for generations to come.

    I think there are huge opportunities in the decades to come for Ngāti Hāua, particularly the new generation coming through, to thrive and prosper and build on the opportunity that is provided here, and to restore particularly economic prospects. I acknowledge that this is the first reading of three to support the passage of this legislation through the House, and my preference is that the bill should proceed without delay to the Māori Affairs Committee so that we can progress this settlement as soon as we can. I commend this bill to the House. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

    DEPUTY SPEAKER: The question is that the motion be agreed to.

  • Youth voice added to Council Committee

    Youth voice added to Council Committee

    Source: PISA results continue to show more to be done for equity in education

    Two young people have been appointed as youth representatives on Canterbury Regional Council’s Strategy and Policy Committee.

    At the 14 May Committee meeting, Jolie Sarginson and Liam Speechlay were appointed after being shortlisted by the Youth Rōpū.   

    The Youth Rōpū is a group of people aged 14-24 from across the region who are enthusiastic about the environment, civics and empowering young people. The rōpū advocates for and supports the inclusion of a youth voice in Environment Canterbury’s decisions and work.   

    Jolie and Liam will sit on the Committee for two years and while they won’t have voting rights, they will be able to provide a youth perspective on issues discussed by the Committee.  

    Jolie said her three passions are youth advocacy, te taiao (the natural world), and te ao Māori (Māori culture and values).  

    “Our aim as youth representatives is to bring an intergenerational perspective to the table,” Jolie said.  

    Liam said he brings a diverse range of youth voices to the table – urban, climate change and rural.  

    “I’m very excited for the learning this experience will provide me and the learnings you will be able to take from myself and Jolie,” Liam said.  

    Canterbury Regional Council Chair Craig Pauling said youth representation was an important voice to have at the table and welcomed both Jolie and Liam to the Committee.   

    “We’ve had youth representation on a few of our committees over the last three or four years and I’m really proud to be here to welcome you both to the Strategy and Policy Committee today.”  

    “I’m looking forward to your insights and the contributions you will bring to our work,” Chair Pauling said.    

    Strategy and Policy Committee Chair Councillor Vicky Southworth also welcomed the pair to the Committee.  

    “I am excited to have both Liam and Jolie joining us for the next two years, they will bring important perspectives to our discussions and help influence some of our decision making.”  

    “It’s important to have them join us, as they represent young people from across Canterbury,” Cr Southworth said. 

    Jolie Sarginson  

    Jolie has completed a bachelor’s degree in Social Environmental Sustainability, majoring in Indigenous Knowledge and Sustainable Partnerships, with a minor in te reo Māori.  

    She has been part of the Youth Rōpū for three years and brings a strong voice, a grounded cultural perspective, and a genuine desire to help our communities.  

    Liam Speechlay  

    Liam is a law student at the University of Canterbury of Ngāpuhi and Ngāti Ruanui descent. He has a passion for learning Ngai Tahu’s history within Waitaha, and for tikanga and matauranga Māori.  

    He has been involved with EnviroPAST, Lincoln University, and the Youth Advisory Council at Te Whatu Ora Waitaha. 

  • 210,000 Māori Silenced: Committee Delivers Harshest Punishment in Parliament History

    Source:

    Today the Privileges Committee handed down a severe punishment. Te Pāti Māori Co-leaders Rawiri Waititi and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer have been suspended for 21 days, and MP for Hauraki-Waikato Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke has been suspended for 7 days.

    This punishment is unprecedented; these are the three longest suspensions in the history of Parliament in Aotearoa.

    This decision will not only silence three MPs; it will silence a quarter of te iwi Māori by taking their representatives out of this House.

    Te Pāti Māori MP for Te Tai Tokerau and member of the Privileges Committee Mariameno Kapa-Kingi said that “the process was grossly unjust, unfair, and unwarranted, resulting in an extreme sanction. This was not about process, this became personal.”

    They can suspend our MPs, but they can’t suspend our movement.

  • David Seymour: Address to Craigs Investment Partners

    Source:

    ACT Leader David Seymour: Address to Craigs Investment Partners Auckland

    Introduction

    Thank you to Craigs Investment Partners for hosting me today.

    Every three years, we elect a new Parliament. Every year, we get a new Budget. And every Budget brings a flurry of headlines, hot takes, and handouts. But too often, what’s missing is a long view, a vision that extends beyond the next fiscal year, the next election, or the next political sugar hit.

    In other words, instead of looking towards the next election, we should be thinking about the next generation.

    Right now, New Zealand is in the middle of a repair job. After years of economic mismanagement and runaway spending, this Government is trying to patch the roof while the rain still falls. ACT supports that effort. But we also ask a bigger question: what comes next? Not just in the next quarter or the next Budget, but in the next few decades.

    Because building a stronger economy starts with a long-term economic vision. A vision that restores freedom and personal responsibility to the individual, and rewards effort and innovation.

    In a week’s time the Government will be revealing Budget 2025. It will detail the Government’s specific spending and revenue choices, key new infrastructure investments, the path for borrowing and debt and our plans for strengthening the fundamentals of the New Zealand economy.

    New Zealand has gone through a tough few years of high inflation, high interest rates and little to no real growth. The Government has been running big deficits and accumulating debt. I’m proud to be part of a government that is slowing the spending of previous governments and making savings so we can fund the things that are most important.

    Inflation and interest rates have been beaten back. Government doesn’t control every factor influencing them, but we can control our own spending. The Government’s commitment to spend less and maintaining that discipline over four years has helped win the war on inflation and interest rates.

    Last week, Brooke van Velden MP made long-overdue changes to a broken pay equity system. As usual, Labour and the unions responded with scare tactics and misinformation. The fact is that Brooke’s changes bring back common sense. Pay equity claims will still be possible – but they’ll need real evidence of discrimination, not assumptions. That means a system that’s fair, workable, and sustainable for the long term.

    The reason I bring this up is because Brooke’s fixes will have major budget implications, billions of dollars that balance the books and allow investments in important areas like health and education. She’s managed to do it in a way that means claims can still progress in cases of genuine sex-based discrimination – but if you’re a librarian looking to get a pay rise comparable to a fisheries officer then you’re out of luck.

    Not many MPs would have the guts to take a controversial piece of work like this and progress it for the greater good. Brooke has shown what ACT is bringing to this Government – a willingness to take on tough issues and stand by our principles. This approach needs to be replicated and applied across a wider range of issues in order for New Zealand to tackle long-term issues.

    Looking beyond a four-year cycle

    Next week’s budget will take another step in the right direction for economic recovery. But while short-term repair is essential, we also need a long-term vision. What happens beyond this four-year cycle?

    Previous Labour Budgets offered headline-grabbing sugar hits, ‘Wellbeing Budgets’ that felt good in the moment but lacked staying power, they essentially worked to pick a group, give them some money, and promote their generosity. The point that was often missed was that to give money to that group someone else had to stump up, probably your children and grandchildren. Now, this Government is carrying out the hard, necessary work by cutting unnecessary spending and reinvesting in core areas. But what comes next?

    When it comes to government spending, New Zealand is standing on a burning platform. Last year, even as our population grew slightly, thanks to births and inbound migration, our economy shrank by one percent.

    But here’s the real kicker: $10 billion of what the government spent was just to pay interest on existing debt. And next year? We’ll pay interest on the interest. The consequence? Government debt is forecast to soar past $200 billion in 2026.

    Our national debt is growing by almost $2 million an hour, or more than $47 million a day.

    As of the first quarter of 2025, New Zealand’s unemployment rate stands at 5.1 per cent, the highest in 4.5 years. Employment growth is minimal, and wage inflation has decelerated. At the same time, the doubling of debt we saw under the previous government is the new normal with $234.1 billion in debt by 2028/29, that’s $46,800 for every man, woman and child in this country today. The opposition is quick to deny responsibility. But let’s be real – it was under them debt went from 20-40 per cent of GDP. We are now projected to see a slowing and a decline. It was under Labour that inflation rose to 7 per cent and hollowed out the economy, it is under us that we have seen it come down to the usual low levels.

    This is not sustainable. Not if you want your children and grandchildren to experience the same opportunities you once had.

    And the challenges don’t stop there. There’s a demographic tailwind in our population growth, that’s becoming a headwind when it comes to balancing the books.

    Our population is aging fast. Every year, around 60,000 people turn 65 and become eligible for superannuation.

    We cannot keep ducking the big questions. Because what’s coming is not just a fiscal ripple, it’s a tidal wave that will envelop the country.

    The global economy is more interconnected than ever before. As a small, open economy, New Zealand won’t escape the next global shock.

    When Grant Robertson cranked up the money printers, blame was levelled at Putin, Covid, and cyclones. But crises are a fact of life, not an excuse for policy failure. It would be too easy for this Government to blame Trump. But a resilient country must be prepared regardless of who or what is happening around them.

    In the 1990s, New Zealand demonstrated that resilience. Years of smart fiscal policy took our net core Crown debt from 55 per cent to just 5.4 per cent by 2008. Critics called it ‘austerity.’ But they’re still crying austerity when debt is 42.5 per cent. In 2019, pre-Covid, Jacinda Ardern’s Government was spending 28 per cent of GDP. In 2024, spending was 33.1 per cent of GDP. I don’t recall Labour being accused of austerity. But journalists and commentators find the current Government guilty of austerity when it spends 5 per cent of GDP more. Get real.

    When the Global Financial Crisis and Covid hit, we were ready. Fast forward to today. That 5.4 per cent is now 42.5 per cent. Net core Crown debt has exploded from $10.3 billion in 2008 to over $175 billion today.

    How did we get here?

    Well, the simple answer is out of control spending from irresponsible governments. We’ve been here before. After the Muldoon Government’s reckless spending nearly bankrupted the country, it took the Lange Government and Sir Roger Douglas’s economic reforms to steer us back from the brink.

    Growth and ambition

    New Zealand’s population is expected to reach 6 million by 2043. That’s a good thing. We should be encouraging our best and brightest to stay, and welcoming innovative minds from around the world. We have the wide-open spaces and natural beauty to attract people, but not the ambition or economic opportunity to retain them judging by the roughly 69,100 New Zealand citizens choosing to leave in the year to February 2025.

    We’ve tried spending more and the result was more debt and many of the same problems. In fact, if there’s one thing Grant Robertson taught us all it’s that we can’t spend our way out of this mess. Without radical policy change, there is no plausible path that avoids long-term fiscal and social collapse.

    So what can we do?

    Smaller, smarter government

    We should make government itself more efficient. Fewer ministers, fewer departments, and clearer accountability. New Zealanders don’t need 82 portfolios to live better lives. They just need a government that does its job, and then gets out of their way.

    It’s a shift away from the idea that the government exists to solve every problem by creating a minister named after it. And towards a view that the government’s job is to manage your money responsibly and provide core public services that allow you to go about your life, respecting your property rights.

    If the Government was truly focused on outcomes rather than optics, we’d have fewer ministers but higher standards. We’d have fewer bureaucrats, but better services. We’d be empowering New Zealanders to make their own decisions, not adding layers of officials to make them for us.

    Our proposal is to have:

    • Only 20 Ministers, with no ministers outside cabinet
    • No associate ministers, except in finance
    • Abolish ‘portfolios’, there’s either a department or there’s not
    • Reduce the number of departments to 30 by merging them and removing low-value functions
    • Ensure each department is overseen by only one minister
    • Up to eight under-secretaries supporting the busiest ministers, effectively a training ground for future cabinet ministers

    More personal choice in education and health

    A lot of the biggest problems we face as a nation can be solved by ensuring the next generation has access to a great education.

    While our Government has made a lot of improvements in this area, banning devices that were destroying children’s concentration, bringing back charter schools to ensure there is more flexibility and choice in the system, and returning logic and common sense to the curriculum in key areas like literacy and numeracy, many parents still ask, how do we spend $330,000 on every child’s education and still get these results?

    What if we gave New Zealanders a choice?

    With $333,000 per student over a lifetime, how many families would choose a better option if they had control over that money instead of handing it over to the Government. Like a KiwiSaver account, parents and students would be able to see the balance of funding that is available and make choices about how to fund an education.

    It is taking power away from the bureaucracy and back to the people. The only way to ensure New Zealand’s schools become leaders rather than laggards is to have an education system that is responsive to parental demand rather than political orthodoxy.

    We can apply the same concept to the health system. How do we spend $6,000 per citizen annually on health, and still end up on waiting lists?

    What if every person could opt out of the public health system and take their $6,000 to buy private health insurance? Many would. And many would be better off.

    We shouldn’t have a default position of tax and spend for every public service. If the past few years have taught us anything it’s that taxing and spending more doesn’t lead to greater outcomes. Giving people greater control over their own lives would bring about real change.

    Zero-basing government

    We need to stop assuming government departments and activities should continue because they always have. It’s easy to think of New Zealand companies that no longer exist. Anyone shopped at Deka lately? Read the Auckland Star? Got a loan from South Canterbury Finance? Had Mainzeal put anything up for you? Anyone here had a night in thanks to Video Ezy this decade?

    For a variety of reasons those national brands along with a lot of other local businesses are gone. Basically, if they don’t deliver better than anyone else could, they go. But when was the last time you heard of a government department being surplus to requirements and closed down?

    How many zombie departments and zombie bureaucrats does this country have? People who just carry on collecting a pay cheque for their own purposes instead of any public purpose. Why do we put up with the idea that government can get bigger, but it can never get smaller?

    ACT says we need to zero base government. By that I mean going back to zero and asking ourselves, if the departments and bureaucracies we have now didn’t exist, would we establish them today?

    We would ask every department to answer the simple question; if you didn’t exist, who would notice and why?

    The justifications will have to fit with a robust view of what government can, and can’t, do.

    • Can the private sector provide this service?
    • Is there a genuine conflict between citizens’ interests that cannot be resolved without government intervention?
    • What are the costs and benefits of this activity, and do the benefits outweigh the costs?

    The size of government would be reduced dramatically by eliminating activities that don’t fit with these simple questions.

    Tackling the hard conversations

    We need a serious conversation about the future of retirement income. Not because it’s easy, but because it’s essential.

    We need to face facts on superannuation. People are living over ten years longer than they were two generations ago, and they are having fewer children to pay taxes for superannuation. That means we need to consider whether our current approach is fair or sustainable. This could mean increasing the age by two months per year until it reaches 67. Someone who is currently retired would see no difference from this policy. Someone who is currently 64 would be eligible for superannuation two months later than currently planned. Sooner or later, a Government will need to address this.

    The Winter Energy Payment makes a big difference for a lot of Kiwis, but for a lot more it lands in a special account that gets put aside for a holiday fund. Why don’t we ensure that the Winter Energy Payment went to those who needed it. It could be restricted to over-65s who hold Community Services Cards and recipients of main benefits.

    Then there’s the corporate welfare. It took political courage for Sir Roger Douglas to ditch the agriculture subsidies and ask farmers to embrace the market. Looking back, I don’t think you’d find a farmer who wouldn’t agree that it was the right decision.

    Why don’t we just let people keep more of their taxes and spend and invest their money the way they’d like to?

    Between health, education, pensions, and welfare you have around $95 billion, a massive chunk of the government’s budget. The question isn’t whether we’re spending enough in these areas, it’s how we can find more productivity growth so New Zealanders get better services.

    Cutting red tape

    Housing and infrastructure costs are out of control not because of material costs, but because of government regulation. The RMA, excessive building codes, and earthquake regulations are driving prices sky-high. Reform is long overdue.

    The Government is doing a huge amount of work in this area, most importantly by delivering a property rights based RMA – a concept ACT has fought hard for.

    Long term, there will need to be a change in attitude when it comes to lawmaking. The Regulatory Standards Bill is one tool to do this, bringing transparency to lawmaking so when a politician makes a silly populist law, they’ll need to justify it to the public.

    I think the Regulatory Standards Bill could have prevented many of the issues we’re dealing with today. Take earthquake regulations. In Auckland the chance of a major seismic event is roughly one in 110,000 years, yet property owners there are still being forced through costly assessments and upgrade requirements designed for high-risk areas.

    It makes no sense. These one-size-fits-all rules are driving up costs and pushing down property values without delivering meaningful safety benefits. Instead of scaring owners into unnecessary spending, good policy would have adopted a risk-based approach that targets genuine seismic threats, not bureaucratic box-ticking.

    These law changes are costly, mainly in lost productivity for decades to come. The Government’s default position should be not to regulate. Regulation should be the exception, not the rule. We must trust people, not bureaucracy.

    The challenge

    If we carry on in the current direction, we won’t remain a first-world country. We’ll be a middling island in the Pacific, lamenting the opportunities we let pass us by.

    There is a way forward. But it starts with honesty.

    We must rebuild New Zealand as a country that works, not just for today, but for generations to come. That means putting power back in the hands of people. That means cutting waste, reforming entitlements, and restoring ambition.

    It means choosing freedom over control, responsibility over excuses, and aspiration over resentment.

  • Greens launch reckless attack on family farming

    Source:

    “The Green Party’s proposed asset and inheritance taxes would be a reckless attack on intergenerational family farms,” says ACT MP and dairy farmer Andrew Hoggard.

    The ‘Green Budget’ includes a 2.5% annual tax on a couple’s net assets over $4 million and a 33% tax on inheritances over a $1 million threshold.

    “The Greens’ proposed taxes on assets, trusts, and death would see land held within the family for generations sold off just to pay the tax bill. We’d see a scarring effect on rural communities, a sledgehammer to rural investment, and food production shifted offshore.

    “The Greens seem to have a real hard time understanding the difference between realised gains and unrealised gains. Whilst a farmer may have assets it doesn’t mean that in every single year you have great weather and great commodity prices to generate a profit, in some years you have poor prices and poor weather, meaning you end up borrowing just to look after the farm and your staff, under this plan you would also be borrowing to pay your wealth tax.

    “With the inheritance tax this could very well force many farming families off the land in the event of an untimely death of a family member. The surviving family members would be left with a tax bill and the only way to settle it may well be selling the farm. This was the outcome in past when we last had an inheritance tax in this country.

    “Either the Greens just dislike farmers, or they forgot about us when scribbling new taxes on the napkin. They’ve decided anyone who owns a decent slice of land is a rich prick. Chlöe Swarbrick should speak to the farmers I’ve met – or any farmer – who face seasonal financial stress the likes of which she could never imagine.

    “The end result of these policies would likely be a lot less family farms out there. Probably replaced by Soviet-style collective farms as this seems to be where they draw their agricultural inspiration from.”